【編譯】郭新靚、徐一君、丁昊、阮含含、趙婧如、朱文菡

【審?！?/span>楊帆、蘭星辰、丁偉航、李雯琿、唐一鳴、繆高意、晉玉、梁坤、郭新靚

【排版】秦子寧

【題目】Interest through necessity? The impact of personal health on the stability of political interest in the United Kingdom

【作者】Mikko Mattila（赫爾辛基大學(xué)）；Achillefs Papageorgiou（赫爾辛基大學(xué)）；Lauri Rapeli（語(yǔ)圖爾庫(kù)大學(xué)）

【摘要】對(duì)政治的興趣是衡量公民政治態(tài)度的一個(gè)重要指標(biāo)。政治興趣是一種形成于青少年時(shí)的穩(wěn)定特征還是會(huì)在人生的不同階段發(fā)生變化，學(xué)者們意見不一。作者認(rèn)為，個(gè)人健康狀況的惡化會(huì)影響公民政治興趣的穩(wěn)定性，因?yàn)樵诮】禒顩r惡化的時(shí)候，人們通常會(huì)更加依賴公共醫(yī)療資源，進(jìn)而更加關(guān)注現(xiàn)實(shí)政治。進(jìn)一步地，作者認(rèn)為健康水平對(duì)政治興趣的影響與收入相關(guān)，因?yàn)榈褪杖肴巳簳?huì)更加以來公共醫(yī)療。作者的檢驗(yàn)結(jié)果為第一個(gè)假設(shè)只提供了有限支持。但是，作者的研究結(jié)果顯示，低收入群體中，健康水平與政治興趣呈負(fù)相關(guān)。這一研究結(jié)果與生命周期理論一致，該理論認(rèn)為，重大事件甚至?xí)?duì)最根深蒂固的政治興趣產(chǎn)生影響。不斷惡化的個(gè)人健康可能成為提高人們政治興趣的重要?jiǎng)恿碓础?/p>

Interest in politics is a key indicator of citizens’ attitudes towards politics. Scholars disagree whether interest is a stable trait developed during adolescence, or if it changes over the life course. We hypothesise that deteriorating health can destabilise the stable sense of political interest because worsening health makes individuals more dependent on public healthcare and increase their attention to politics. Furthermore, we assume that the impact of health on interest is conditional on income as people with low incomes are dependent on public healthcare. Our results show only limited support for the first hypothesis. However, we found a negative relationship between declining health and increasing interest in the lowest income group. The results are consistent with the life-cycle theory, which presumes that important events in life have consequences even for the most endurable political attitudes. Deteriorating personal health can be a source of motivation to make persons more interested in politics.

【編譯】郭新靚

【校對(duì)】李雯琿

【審核】丁偉航

【題目】Framing #Brexit on Twitter: The EU 27’s lesson in message discipline? 

【作者】Maja ?imunjak（英國(guó)倫敦米德爾塞克斯大學(xué)）；Alessandro Caliandro （意大利帕維亞大學(xué)）

【摘要】這項(xiàng)研究通過對(duì)英國(guó)脫歐談判期間位于英國(guó)的歐盟27國(guó)外交機(jī)構(gòu)的推特操作進(jìn)行多方法檢驗(yàn)，研究了歐盟27個(gè)成員國(guó)在政治領(lǐng)域最受歡迎的社交媒體– 推特上就脫歐問題進(jìn)行交流的方式和原因。研究表明，歐盟27國(guó)在推特上保持了脫歐主題的信息一致性，支持了歐盟的談判立場(chǎng)，展現(xiàn)了內(nèi)部凝聚力，并有可能為歐盟在脫歐談判中的有效性做出貢獻(xiàn)。本文還表明，在推特上架構(gòu)英國(guó)脫歐是有意的和富有戰(zhàn)略性的，但在某些框架的推廣背后存在一系列不同的動(dòng)機(jī)。最后，外交人員將推特視為幫助實(shí)現(xiàn)以建立關(guān)系為目的的公共外交的工具，而非用于倡導(dǎo)某一主張和影響有爭(zhēng)議性的英國(guó)脫歐問題解讀的工具。

This study examines the ways in which and reasons why the remaining Member States of the European Union, the EU 27, communicated about Brexit on the most popular social media in politics – Twitter, by drawing on a multi method examination of UK-based EU 27 diplomatic entities’ Twitter practices during the process of Brexit negotiations. The findings suggest that the EU 27 maintained message consistency on the topic of Brexit on Twitter, supporting the EU’s negotiating position, demonstrating internal cohesiveness and potentially contributing to the EU’s effectiveness in the Brexit negotiations. Our study also reveals that the framing of Brexit on Twitter was deliberate and strategic, but with a range of different motivations behind the promotion of certain frames. Finally, Twitter is seen by diplomats as a tool conducive to meeting public diplomacy’s aim of relationship-building, but not one to be used for advocacy and influencing interpretation of controversial Brexit issues.

【編譯】徐一君

【校對(duì)】唐一鳴

【審核】楊帆

【題目】Looking inward: How does Chinese public diplomacy work at home?

【作者】楊一帆（華東師范大學(xué)）

【摘要】公共外交盡管并不針對(duì)國(guó)內(nèi)受眾，但依然會(huì)產(chǎn)生一定的國(guó)內(nèi)影響。根據(jù)觀察，雖然中國(guó)在公共外交領(lǐng)域進(jìn)行了相當(dāng)大的投資，但其國(guó)際形象卻并沒有得到相應(yīng)的提升。然而，中國(guó)的公共外交并不僅僅起著講述中國(guó)故事、向世界傳達(dá)中國(guó)聲音的作用，其更承擔(dān)著在國(guó)內(nèi)和國(guó)際兩方面提升國(guó)家合法性的職能。本文借助中美兩國(guó)主流媒體對(duì)中國(guó)政府兩項(xiàng)公共外交項(xiàng)目（孔子學(xué)院和國(guó)家形象宣傳片）的報(bào)道，探究這些項(xiàng)目如何影響中國(guó)民眾對(duì)中國(guó)和中國(guó)政府的感知，以及其如何強(qiáng)化執(zhí)政黨的合法性。這對(duì)衡量中國(guó)公共外交的有效性具有重要意義。

Although public diplomacy is not intended for domestic consumption, it can still have an internal impact. It has been observed that China’s huge investment in public diplomacy has not resulted in a proportionate increase in its international image. However, Chinese public diplomacy not only tells China’s story and communicates its voice to the world, but also shoulders the responsibility of accruing legitimacy for the country, both internationally and domestically. By looking at the news reports on the Confucius Institutes and China’s National Image Film – two public diplomacy programmes implemented by the Chinese government – in the mainstream media in both the United States and China, this paper will assess how these influence domestic perceptions of China and the Chinese government, and help enhance the legitimacy of the ruling party. This is important in evaluating the effectiveness of Chinese public diplomacy.

【編譯】丁昊

【校對(duì)】丁偉航

【審核】梁坤

【題目】Electoral integrity – The winner takes it all? Evidence from three British general elections 

【作者】Justin Fisher（布魯內(nèi)爾大學(xué)）；Yohanna S?llberg（布魯內(nèi)爾大學(xué)）

【摘要】關(guān)于選舉公正性（electoral integrity）的研究通常關(guān)注選舉評(píng)估者(專家調(diào)查)、選舉消費(fèi)者(選舉人)，偶爾也關(guān)注選舉生產(chǎn)者(選舉行政人員)。本文使用在2010年、2015年和2017年英國(guó)大選中收集到的新數(shù)據(jù)集，研究了先前未經(jīng)研究的一組選舉用戶——候選人的選舉代理人——對(duì)選舉公正性的評(píng)價(jià)。本文采用正面和負(fù)面的選舉公正性衡量方法，對(duì)選舉代理人評(píng)價(jià)的解釋進(jìn)行建模，并將重點(diǎn)放在區(qū)域或選區(qū)的代理人性格特征、地理和選舉狀況。研究顯示，對(duì)選舉公正性的評(píng)價(jià)差異很大，并突出表明，選舉公正性的問題更多是局部性的，而不是廣泛存在。而且，盡管贏家/輸家效應(yīng)具有重大影響，但選舉公正性問題與選區(qū)的城市特征密切相關(guān)。本文為有關(guān)選舉公正性的文獻(xiàn)研究做出了重大貢獻(xiàn)。

Studies of electoral integrity typically focus on electoral evaluators (expert surveys), electoral consumers (electors) and, occasionally, electoral producers (electoral administrators). Using a unique new data set collected at the British general elections of 2010, 2015 and 2017, this article examines evaluations of electoral integrity among a previously unresearched group of electoral users – the election agents of candidates standing for election. Using measures of both negative and positive electoral integrity, the article models explanations of users’ evaluations, focusing on the agent characteristics, geography and electoral status of the district or constituency. It shows that evaluations of electoral integrity vary significantly and highlights both that questions of electoral integrity are more localised than widespread, and that despite the significant impact of winner/loser effects, issues of electoral integrity are strongly related to the urban characteristics of an electoral district. In so doing, it makes a significant contribution to the literature on electoral integrity.

【編譯】阮含含

【審核】楊帆

【校對(duì)】蘭星辰

【題目】One moment, please: Can the speed and quality of political contact affect democratic health?

【作者】Nikki Soo（英國(guó)卡迪夫大學(xué)）；Dr James Weinberg（英國(guó)謝菲爾德大學(xué)）；Katharine Dommett（英國(guó)謝菲爾德大學(xué)）

【摘要】

政客和選民之間的接觸是全世界民主政體的基石，然而同時(shí)也是一塊相對(duì)缺乏研究的學(xué)術(shù)領(lǐng)域。政治接觸有助于傳遞權(quán)威、建構(gòu)合法性并促進(jìn)治理。傳統(tǒng)的看法認(rèn)為政治代表們需要更多地與公眾溝通，而本篇文章超越了這一點(diǎn)，強(qiáng)調(diào)政治代表與公眾溝通質(zhì)量的重要性。聚焦公民接觸代表的四種途徑（面對(duì)面、信件、郵件或社交媒體接觸），作者應(yīng)用場(chǎng)景實(shí)驗(yàn)法來檢測(cè)政客們回應(yīng)的性質(zhì)和及時(shí)性是否會(huì)影響衡量民主體制健康程度的兩個(gè)重要指標(biāo)：a）公民對(duì)政治接觸的滿意程度；b）公民再次接觸代表的可能性。研究證明，個(gè)性化的溝通會(huì)影響到公民滿意程度和再次接觸代表的可能性，同時(shí)代表的回應(yīng)速度也是一個(gè)影響程度相對(duì)小的因素。這意味著政客可以通過調(diào)整政治接觸和政治溝通的方式來提升民主體制的健康程度。

Contact between politicians and their constituents is the cornerstone of democracies globally but an area of scholarship that remains relatively underdeveloped. Political contact can help convey authority, provide legitimacy and facilitate governance. This article goes beyond the assumption that representatives need to communicate more with the public and suggests, instead, that the quality of contact matters. Focusing on four processes by which citizens can contact their representatives (face-to-face, by letter, email or social media), we employ an experimental vignette methodology to test whether the character and timeliness of politicians’ responses to citizen communication affects two indicators of democratic health: (a) the latter’s satisfaction with political contact and (b) their likelihood to re-contact representatives. Our findings provide evidence that personalised communication and to a smaller extent, speed of response, can influence citizen satisfaction and their likelihood of re-engagement. This suggests politicians can improve these indicators of democratic health by adjusting the style of political contact and communication.

【編譯】趙婧如

【校對(duì)】繆高意

【審核】晉玉

【題目】Why regional parties succeed at the sub-national level in India?

【作者】Dishil Shrimankar （倫敦大學(xué)皇家霍洛威學(xué)院）

【摘要】現(xiàn)有的比較政治學(xué)研究在解釋地方性政黨的發(fā)展時(shí)，要么關(guān)注地方主義，要么關(guān)注政治與經(jīng)濟(jì)的去中心化。本文基于印度的定量證據(jù)，提出了一個(gè)迄今被忽視的解釋，即全國(guó)性政黨地方分支的自治水平，也對(duì)地方性政黨的發(fā)展有顯著影響。當(dāng)全國(guó)性政黨的地方分支擁有自治權(quán)時(shí)，地方性政黨很難發(fā)展壯大。相反，當(dāng)全國(guó)性政黨的地方分支難以實(shí)現(xiàn)自治時(shí)，地方性政黨將在選舉中受益。為了進(jìn)一步解釋地方性政黨發(fā)展和全國(guó)性政黨地方分支自治水平之間的內(nèi)生性，本文使用定量和定性證據(jù)表明，地方性政黨的發(fā)展與全國(guó)性政黨地方分支更高的自治水平之間并非正相關(guān)。

Existing scholarship in comparative politics has either focused on regionalism or on political and economic decentralisation to explain the growth of regional parties. Using quantitative evidence from India, I show that a hitherto ignored explanation, the level of regional branch autonomy within polity-wide parties, also has a significant impact on the growth of regional parties. When regional branches of polity-wide parties have autonomy, regional parties find it difficult to grow. In contrast, regional parties benefit electorally when regional branches of polity-wide parties are less autonomous. To further account for endogeneity between regional party growth and regional branch autonomy, I use quantitative and qualitative evidence to show that the growth of regional parties is not positively correlated with more regional branch autonomy.

Keywords: federalism, India, party organisation, political parties, regional party system, sub-national comparative method.

【編譯】朱文菡

【校對(duì)】郭新靚

【審核】楊帆