聽力|精讀|翻譯|詞組

Northern Ireland 來(lái)自一天一篇經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)人 00:00 21:14

Past and future collide

過(guò)去和未來(lái)的沖突

英文部分選自經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)人20180331Briefing版塊

Past and future collide

過(guò)去和未來(lái)的沖突——北愛爾蘭與英國(guó)糾葛的前世與今生

Twenty years after a peace deal the mood is sour in Northern Ireland

達(dá)成和平協(xié)定的二十年后，北愛爾蘭問(wèn)題再次惡化

Questions set carefully aside for future generations have been forced back onto the agenda

原本謹(jǐn)慎留給后人的問(wèn)題被迫重新提上議事日程

WHEN the Irish Republican Army at last put aside its weapons, ending a century-long insurgency against the British state, witnesses were needed to confirm that the guns were gone for good. Two clergymen were chosen, Harold Good, a Protestant, and Alec Reid, a Catholic. As they travelled in secret between rural arms-dumps with the IRA’s quartermasters and an international team of weapons decommissioners, they noticed a young IRA man with an old-fashioned rifle among the group. When the last of the arsenal had been destroyed, the young man marched up to the general in charge, clicked his heels and solemnly handed over his gun. Now in his 80s, Reverend Good recalls the moment: “Father Reid said to me, ‘There goes the last weapon out of Irish politics.’ We just fell silent.”

當(dāng)愛爾蘭共和軍最終放下武器，愛爾蘭與英國(guó)長(zhǎng)達(dá)一個(gè)世紀(jì)的對(duì)抗得以終結(jié)，需要有人證實(shí)這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)永久結(jié)束了。新教徒哈羅德·固德（Harold Good）和天主教徒艾力克·瑞德（Alec Reid）兩位牧師便是見證者。當(dāng)他們和愛爾蘭共和軍軍需官以及一個(gè)國(guó)際武器清除小組秘密行走在鄉(xiāng)村的軍械庫(kù)中時(shí)，他們注意到隊(duì)伍中一名年輕的愛爾蘭共和軍男子手中拿著一支老式來(lái)復(fù)槍。在最后一座軍械庫(kù)被摧毀后，這個(gè)年輕的男子正步走向?qū)④?，“咔嗒”立定后莊嚴(yán)地交出了槍支。現(xiàn)在年已八十多歲的固德牧師回憶道：“瑞德神父對(duì)我說(shuō)，‘代表愛爾蘭政權(quán)的最后一件武器沒了?！覀兿萑肓顺聊?。

注解：

① insurgency：in-=in/into, on/upon, towards，在這種詞義下，一般只與詞綴結(jié)合（這與inactive, incorrect中in-=not的意義迥異，注意區(qū)分，以及這種詞義下只與單詞結(jié)合），surg-=to rise up, 來(lái)源于拉丁語(yǔ)，-ency(-ence)為名詞后綴，如：surge, resurgent等。

②for good: permanently, 這里容易把good理解為名詞（good本身有名詞的意義），但經(jīng)詞典查證為習(xí)語(yǔ)。

③大多數(shù)北愛爾蘭人屬于兩個(gè)不同的派別：聯(lián)合派或民族派。大多數(shù)聯(lián)合派人士是新教徒（Protestants），大多數(shù)民族派人士是天主教徒（Catholics）

Northern Ireland’s long war ended with the Belfast Agreement, signed on Good Friday in 1998. The deal between the governments of Britain and Ireland, in conjunction with the main Northern Irish parties and the paramilitaries some of them spoke for, spun a delicate web of compromises between the province’s Protestants, most of whom want to remain in the United Kingdom, and its Catholics, who more often identify with the Republic of Ireland. The “Troubles” of the previous 30 years—the most recent spasm in a conflict dating back to Britain’s planting of Protestant settlers in the 17th century—caused the deaths of more than 3,500 people, mostly civilians. Tony Blair, then Britain’s prime minister, later described signing the deal as “one of the few times in the job I can honestly say I felt contented, fulfilled and proud.”

1998年，北愛爾蘭于耶穌受難日當(dāng)天簽署了《貝爾法斯特協(xié)議》，持續(xù)多年的爭(zhēng)執(zhí)由此結(jié)束。該協(xié)議由英國(guó)和愛爾蘭（主要的愛爾蘭政黨以及他們支持的準(zhǔn)軍事組織）簽訂。這個(gè)協(xié)議在北愛爾蘭的新教徒和天主教徒之間編織了一張微妙的妥協(xié)網(wǎng)：前者大多數(shù)想留在英國(guó)，而后者則堅(jiān)持回歸愛爾蘭共和國(guó)。自1968年以來(lái)，北愛爾蘭沖突不斷——最早的沖突可追溯到17世紀(jì)，那時(shí)英國(guó)新教徒移民至北愛爾蘭，導(dǎo)致3500多人喪生，其中大部分是平民。時(shí)任英國(guó)首相的托尼·布萊爾（Tony Blair）后來(lái)描述簽署協(xié)定時(shí)說(shuō)道“老實(shí)說(shuō)，這是我政治生涯中為數(shù)不多讓我感到滿足、有成就感、自豪的時(shí)刻之一?！?/p>

注解：

①Good Friday, Black Friday的變體，意為耶穌受難日（復(fù)活節(jié)前的星期五）

②spun a dedicate web of compromises此處翻譯欠妥當(dāng)，請(qǐng)各位讀者賜教。

Yet 20 years on, the mood is sour. In Belfast the Stormont assembly has lain empty for over a year. The British and Irish governments have warned that commemorations of the agreement will feel “hollow”. The two countries are publicly bickering over Northern Ireland’s fate after Britain leaves the European Union next year. Vexed questions that the Good Friday Agreement had carefully put aside—on borders, identity and to whom Northern Ireland really belongs—are dangerously back in play.

然而，二十年過(guò)去了，北愛爾蘭問(wèn)題再一次惡化。在貝爾法斯特（Belfast），斯托蒙特（Stormont）議會(huì)已經(jīng)閑置一年多。英國(guó)和愛爾蘭政府都發(fā)出警告，紀(jì)念該協(xié)議毫無(wú)意義。鑒于英國(guó)明年脫歐，北愛爾蘭不知何去何從，便與英國(guó)公開爭(zhēng)吵。令人煩惱的是，《耶穌受難日協(xié)議》（ the Good Friday Agreement）曾將邊界、身份認(rèn)同以及北愛爾蘭真正的歸屬問(wèn)題擱置一旁，現(xiàn)在這一棘手的問(wèn)題又重新上演。

注解：

over: 這里over的義項(xiàng)是“對(duì)…來(lái)說(shuō)，關(guān)于…”，over的用法多元值得引起注意。這里可以記住over one’s fate這個(gè)搭配，一般而言over這個(gè)義項(xiàng)與名詞的搭配是固定的，注意積累即可，如：debate over, conflict over, control over等。

Changed utterly

徹底改變

Under the agreement Ireland gave up its claim on the north and Britain agreed to a mechanism by which Northern Ireland could secede via a future referendum. The Northern Irish gained the right to citizenship of the United Kingdom, Ireland, or both. International bodies were set up to give the two countries shared oversight of how the place was run. And a devolved government was established at Stormont, one in which nationalists and unionists would share power. Paramilitaries who had dealt in Semtex and Armalites turned their attention to early-day motions and the d’Hondt voting system.

根據(jù)協(xié)議，愛爾蘭放棄對(duì)北愛爾蘭的主權(quán)，且英國(guó)同意建立一個(gè)機(jī)構(gòu)——未來(lái)北愛爾蘭可以通過(guò)全民公投來(lái)決定是否脫離英國(guó)。北愛爾蘭人可獲得英國(guó)\愛爾蘭或兩國(guó)兼有的公民權(quán)的權(quán)利。兩國(guó)成立了國(guó)際組織，共同監(jiān)督該機(jī)構(gòu)的運(yùn)作。在斯托蒙特（Stormont）建立了一個(gè)政府，并將權(quán)力下放，民族主義者和工會(huì)主義者將共享其權(quán)力。曾在塞姆汀炸藥公司（Semtex）和阿瑪萊特公司（Armalites）工作過(guò)的準(zhǔn)軍事組織將注意力轉(zhuǎn)向早期的動(dòng)議和洪德（D'Hondt）投票系統(tǒng)。

注解：

secede: se-=apart, ced-(異形根為cess-, ceed-)= to go, 來(lái)自拉丁語(yǔ), 如：procedure, succeed, process. 

Security has been transformed. In 1972, the bloodiest year of the Troubles, 498 people were killed in sectarian violence. As recently as the early 1990s the annual death toll was around 100. Now it is in the low single digits. Northern Ireland’s murder rate is equal to the British average, its overall crime rate slightly lower. Sectarian hate-crimes have fallen by more than half since 2005, when they started being recorded. Belfast feels like a normal European city. Crumlin Road prison, once a holding place for paramilitaries, is now a tourist attraction that hosts weddings (promising, and doubtless providing, “a surrounding that will keep your guests talking”).

原本安全的環(huán)境有所轉(zhuǎn)變。在北愛爾蘭沖突不斷的時(shí)間里，1972年是最為血腥的一年，當(dāng)時(shí)有498人在宗派暴力沖突中喪生。在最近的20世紀(jì)90年代初，北愛爾蘭每年的死亡人數(shù)在100人左右，現(xiàn)在卻低至個(gè)位數(shù)。北愛爾蘭的謀殺率與英國(guó)的平均謀殺率持平，但其總體犯罪率相對(duì)略低一點(diǎn)。自2005年有記錄以來(lái)，宗派仇恨犯罪率下降了一半以上，貝爾法斯特（Belfast）感覺就像一個(gè)普通的歐洲城市?？死妨致繁O(jiān)獄（Crumlin Road prison）——曾經(jīng)作為準(zhǔn)軍事組織的避難所，現(xiàn)在是舉辦婚禮的旅游景點(diǎn)（一個(gè)具有發(fā)展?jié)摿Φ穆糜尉包c(diǎn)，它的歷史絕對(duì)能成為游客的談資）。

Yet not all the past is so deeply buried. The police detect the “continuing existence and cohesion” of an IRA hierarchy, though they accept that the organisation is now committed to a political path. So-called dissident republican gangs continue to fight a lonely war against the British state, foiled most of the time by the police and MI5, Britain’s security service, which still devotes about 15% of its energies to Northern Ireland.

然而，并非所有的過(guò)去都被湮沒了。警方盡管接受了愛爾蘭共和軍統(tǒng)治集團(tuán)現(xiàn)在致力于政治活動(dòng)，但還是察覺到該組織會(huì)繼續(xù)存在，并有持續(xù)的凝聚力。這個(gè)持不同政見的所謂共和黨團(tuán)伙繼續(xù)孤軍奮戰(zhàn)，反對(duì)英國(guó)政府，但大部分時(shí)間都受挫于警方和軍情五處（英國(guó)的安全服務(wù)），后者仍然將大約15％的精力用于對(duì)付北愛爾蘭。

Paramilitary gangs on both sides of the sectarian divide are active in organised crime. Their “punishment” beatings and shootings of drug-dealers, pimps and loan-sharks purport to be for the protection of “their” communities, but often they simply want the business for themselves. Some former paramilitaries have been prosecuted, others have been co-opted. The hardest ones to deal with, says George Hamilton, the chief constable, are those in the murky middle ground, who “want to be community workers by day and paramilitary thugs by night”.

宗派分歧雙方的準(zhǔn)軍事組織都在活躍并有組織地犯罪。他們毆打、槍擊毒販，皮條客和高利貸者，聲稱是為了保護(hù)“他們的”社區(qū)，但往往只是想把生意據(jù)為己有。一些前準(zhǔn)軍事組織成員已被起訴，另一些則被收服。警察局長(zhǎng)喬治·漢密爾頓說(shuō)，最難對(duì)付的是那些處于黑暗的中間地帶的人，這些人“白天想當(dāng)社區(qū)工作人員，晚上想當(dāng)準(zhǔn)軍事暴徒”。

Such organisations live on because Northern Irish society is still divided. Physical walls, known as peace lines, still separate some working-class Catholic and Protestant areas. Indeed, more have been built since 1998, because they are popular. “I wouldn’t like it down,” says a resident of Bombay Street, a Catholic district in Belfast separated from Protestant Shankill by a ten-metre-high wall. “They’re lovely people. It’s just the lunatics.” The wall has been made higher several times since it was erected in 1969. Stones still sail over, so houses nearby have metal cages over their back gardens.

北愛爾蘭的分裂使得這樣的組織得以繼續(xù)存在。被稱為“和平線”的實(shí)體墻仍將一些工人階級(jí)的天主教和新教地區(qū)隔開。事實(shí)上，自1998年以來(lái)建造了更多這樣的墻，因?yàn)樗鼈兒苁軞g迎。“我不希望它倒塌，”一位住在孟買街(Bombay Street)的居民說(shuō)。孟買街是貝爾法斯特的一個(gè)天主教區(qū)，與信奉新教的尚基爾區(qū)隔著一道10米高的墻?！八麄兌际怯押玫娜耍皇悄切O端分子作祟?！弊?969年修建以來(lái)，這堵墻已經(jīng)多次加高，但由于有時(shí)仍會(huì)有石頭砸過(guò)去，所以附近房子的后院都放有鐵籠。

注解：

①live on: 這里容易誤解為“依賴……而活”之意，這是介詞on在表示“靠什么”之下的義項(xiàng)，如：depend on, rely on, rest on, 還見于on+n。但這里是另一個(gè)意思“繼續(xù)，持續(xù)”之意，如： stay on, go on, carry on. 

②erect: ex-(異形根e-, ef-)=out, out of, 來(lái)自拉丁語(yǔ), rect-=be straight, erect在這里做動(dòng)詞，意為：to build sth，顯然這里ex-的意思被淡化了。如：exaggerate, exempt, exit, effect. 

Devout and profane and hard

虔誠(chéng)，世俗，艱難

Surveys show that three-quarters of people would like to live in integrated neighbourhoods, and two-thirds would send their children to mixed schools. Yet making this happen has proved difficult. A handful of mixed social-housing developments have been started, but the “l(fā)unatics” make them dicey places to live. Last year four Catholic families in amixed-housing project inCantrell Close, Belfast, were advised by police to leave, after threats from paramilitaries. The share of children in formally integrated schools has edged up only slightly since 2000—from 3% to 5.8% in primary and from 5.6% to 8.6% in secondary—partly because of opposition from the Catholic church, which runs many schools of its own. The province remains astonishingly segregated (see map).

調(diào)查顯示，四分之三的人愿意居住在綜合社區(qū)，三分之二的人會(huì)把孩子送到綜合學(xué)校上學(xué)。然而事實(shí)證明，要做到這一點(diǎn)并不容易。一些混合的社會(huì)福利住房開發(fā)項(xiàng)目已經(jīng)啟動(dòng)，但由于“極端人物”的存在，這些房子成為危險(xiǎn)住房。去年，在貝爾法斯特市Cantrell Close的一個(gè)混合住宅區(qū)中，四個(gè)天主教家庭在受到準(zhǔn)軍事組織威脅后，警察便建議他們離開那里。自2000年以來(lái)，在綜合學(xué)校上學(xué)的兒童比例略有上升——小學(xué)從3%上升到5.8%，中學(xué)從5.6%上升到8.6%。部分原因是天主教會(huì)的反對(duì)，因?yàn)樗麄冇凶约洪_辦的學(xué)校。這個(gè)地區(qū)仍存在驚人的種族歧視現(xiàn)象。

注解：

對(duì)mixed housing的較為詳細(xì)的介紹

http://www./blog/post/mixed_housing_evidence/ 

In other areas there has been progress. Integration has deepened in the workplace, helped by laws compelling big firms to publish the religious breakdown of their staff. Catholics hold nearly half the jobs in both the public and private sectors, in line with their share of the population. A once-yawning unemployment gap has nearly closed. Catholics hold high-profile public offices, including those of attorney-general and Lord Chief Justice. Their share of police officers has risen from one in ten at the turn of the century to one in three, after a temporary affirmative-action programme.

除教育外，其他領(lǐng)域也有所進(jìn)展。在法律的強(qiáng)制規(guī)定下，大公司必須公開員工的宗教信仰情況，這加深了各公司的融合。天主教徒覆蓋了政府部門和私營(yíng)企業(yè)近一半的職位，這與他們?cè)谌丝谥兴急壤恢隆Ｔ?jīng)巨大的失業(yè)差距幾乎縮至為零。天主教徒在政府擔(dān)任高的職位，其中包括檢察長(zhǎng)和首席法官。在實(shí)施了一項(xiàng)臨時(shí)的平權(quán)行動(dòng)計(jì)劃后，天主教徒從事警察的比例從世紀(jì)之交的十分之一上升到了三分之一。

National and religious identities are blurring, particularly among the young. A Protestant minister says he now christens more children with Irish names like Una, Malachi and Sadhbh. Many young Catholics have little interest in Ireland, which some refer to as “Mexico”. “I’d rather go to Spain or something, to tell you the truth,” says Martin, a 29-year-old who lives near the Falls Road in Belfast. Surveys find that about a third of the population considers itself British, a slightly smaller share says Irish, and around the same reports itself to be neither, but rather Northern Irish.

國(guó)家和宗教的身份認(rèn)同越來(lái)越模糊，尤其是在年輕人當(dāng)中。一位新教徒牧師表示，他會(huì)給更多帶有愛爾蘭名字的孩子洗禮，比如尤娜（Una），瑪拉基書（Malachi）和薩德布（Sadhbh）。很多年輕的天主教徒對(duì)愛爾蘭不感興趣，將其稱為“墨西哥”?！罢f(shuō)實(shí)話，我更想去西班牙或者別的地方?！?nbsp;29歲的馬丁（Martin）說(shuō)，他住在貝爾法斯特的瀑布路（the Falls Road）附近。調(diào)查表明，有三分之一的人認(rèn)為自己是英國(guó)人，而認(rèn)為自己是愛爾蘭人的比例略低。還有三分之一的人認(rèn)為自己并不屬于這二者，而屬于北愛爾蘭人。

This nuanced, cautiously evolving identity is lost in a local politics that is crudely sectarian, and becoming grimly more so. At the time of the agreement the main forces in Northern Irish politics were the Ulster Unionists and the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), which represented the moderate forms of unionism and nationalism, respectively. Those two parties have since been swept aside by the harder-line Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Fein, the former political wing of the IRA and the only party that stands at elections both in Northern Ireland and the Republic. Whereas in 1997 the region’s 18 Westminster seats were split between five parties, in last year’s general election the DUP and Sinn Fein took all but one. They have also come to dominate the devolved assembly and executive.

這種細(xì)致入微、謹(jǐn)慎演變的身份認(rèn)同迷失在地方政治中，但地方政治的宗派主義色彩十分濃厚，而且越來(lái)越嚴(yán)重。簽訂協(xié)議時(shí)，北愛爾蘭政治的主要力量是阿爾斯特聯(lián)盟主義者、社會(huì)民主黨和工黨，分別代表了溫和工會(huì)主義和民族主義。自那以后，采取強(qiáng)硬路線的民主統(tǒng)一黨(DUP)和新芬黨將這兩個(gè)政黨掃地下臺(tái)。新芬黨是愛爾蘭共和軍的前政治黨派，也是北愛爾蘭和愛爾蘭共和國(guó)唯一參加選舉的政黨。1997年，該地區(qū)18個(gè)議會(huì)席位被5個(gè)政黨瓜分，而在去年的大選中，民主統(tǒng)一黨和新芬黨卻獲得了17個(gè)席位，他們也開始控制權(quán)力下放的議會(huì)和行政機(jī)構(gòu)。

注解：

①Sinn Fein新芬黨(1905年建立的愛爾蘭政黨,旨在聯(lián)合擁護(hù)愛爾蘭獨(dú)立的資產(chǎn)階級(jí)和小資產(chǎn)階級(jí))

②SDLP社會(huì)民主黨（支持愛爾蘭合并，但反對(duì)使用武力。在過(guò)去十年中SDLP失去了許多支持者。黨內(nèi)目前有更加趨向新芬黨的民族主義派別和放棄民族主義派別的斗爭(zhēng)。）

③DUP民主統(tǒng)一黨（在墮胎、死刑、歐洲聯(lián)盟和女權(quán)等爭(zhēng)議問(wèn)題上它是右派，在同性戀權(quán)利問(wèn)題上它似乎比較開明。DUP的政治一般比較趨向于幫助它的工人和農(nóng)村選民，比如老年人可以免費(fèi)乘車，歐洲聯(lián)盟對(duì)農(nóng)業(yè)的資助等。）

In January last year a long-simmering row between the two parties blew up and Sinn Fein walked out; without its participation, the institutions cannot function. Fourteen months without a government have proved trying. The budget has been delayed, laws to reorganise health care and tackle domestic abuse have been put on ice, public-sector pay rises have not been honoured, and institutions such as the policing board, which holds the police accountable, have been unable to fulfil their functions. Negotiators predict that it will be months before the two parties work together again.

去年1月，兩黨之間醞釀已久的爭(zhēng)吵爆發(fā)，新芬黨退出；然而沒有新芬黨的參與，政府機(jī)構(gòu)無(wú)法正常運(yùn)轉(zhuǎn)。事實(shí)證明，沒有政府的14個(gè)月是艱難的。預(yù)算被推遲，重組醫(yī)療體系和解決家庭虐待問(wèn)題的法律被擱置，公共部門的工資增長(zhǎng)沒有得到兌現(xiàn)，像警察委員會(huì)這樣的機(jī)構(gòu)也無(wú)法正常工作。談判人員預(yù)計(jì)，雙方需再過(guò)幾個(gè)月才能再次合作。

That such an impasse can persist is in part due to the design of the Good Friday Agreement, which intentionally provided a plethora of constitutional vetoes to protect each side against the other. The ability of either main party to collapse the executive by walking out makes for unstable, high-stakes government. The agreement has fostered a structural divide in other ways, too. A supermajority required for legislation that could threaten one community has been cynically used by both sides to block measures they merely dislike. Parties must declare themselves followers of one of the “two traditions” (they may register as neither, but then lose some voting rights).

這種僵局之所以持續(xù)，部分原因在于簽定了《耶穌受難日協(xié)定》。該協(xié)議有意提供了過(guò)多的憲法否決權(quán)，以保護(hù)雙方免受對(duì)方的傷害。任何一個(gè)主要政黨都有權(quán)選擇退出以瓦解政府部門，置政府于不穩(wěn)定、高風(fēng)險(xiǎn)的境地。該協(xié)議在其他方面也造成了結(jié)構(gòu)性分歧，比如立法需要采取絕對(duì)多數(shù)制，這會(huì)威脅到社區(qū)立法，于是兩黨都會(huì)利用這一規(guī)定來(lái)阻止他們不喜歡的規(guī)則。政黨必須表示要追隨“兩種傳統(tǒng)”(他們可能會(huì)稱兩者都不是，但這會(huì)失去一些投票權(quán))。

Paul Nolan, a Belfast-based researcher, compares the polarisation to a seesaw: whenever one party has moved farther from the centre, the other has done the same to balance it. Seeing the other side as ever more extreme, voters feel they have little choice but to vote for their own lot of extremists. As one assembly member puts it: “If they’re going to elect an arse, we’re going to elect an arse.”

貝爾法斯特的研究員保羅·諾蘭（Paul Nolan）將兩極分化比喻成蹺蹺板：任何一方只要遠(yuǎn)離中心，另一方必須得采取同樣的方式保持平衡。看到對(duì)方陣營(yíng)愈發(fā)極端化，選民認(rèn)為除了投給自己陣營(yíng)的極端人士外別無(wú)選擇。正如一位議員所說(shuō)：“如果他們要選舉出一個(gè)笨蛋的話，我們也得選出一個(gè)笨蛋?！?/p>

When the Stormont government has run aground before, Britain and Ireland have stepped in to get it back afloat. But Britain’s role as a referee has been impeded by a deal last year between the Conservatives and the DUP, which agreed to support Theresa May’s minority government in Westminster on important votes in return for ￡1bn ($1.4bn) of extra money for Northern Ireland. The alliance “undermines a tradition of neutrality going back to at least 1990,” says Jonathan Powell, who as Mr Blair’s chief of staff helped to negotiate the Good Friday Agreement.

早在斯托蒙特政府?dāng)R淺以前，英國(guó)和愛爾蘭已經(jīng)介入，希望使其重歸正軌。但保守黨與民主統(tǒng)一黨去年簽訂的一份協(xié)議阻礙了英國(guó)發(fā)揮調(diào)解作用。該協(xié)議約定，若（北愛）在議會(huì)關(guān)鍵票決中支持特雷莎·梅（Theresa May）領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的少數(shù)黨政府，北愛爾蘭將獲得10億英鎊（14億美元）的額外投資。該聯(lián)盟“破壞了中立傳統(tǒng)（該傳統(tǒng)至少可以追溯到1990年）”，還曾促進(jìn)了《貝爾法斯特協(xié)議》的簽訂，布萊爾的幕僚長(zhǎng)——喬納森·鮑威爾（Jonathan Powell）如是說(shuō)。

注解：

①. impede: im-=in，into(原形為in-, 在詞根首字母為b m p 時(shí)同化為ib im ip), ped=foot, 來(lái)自拉丁語(yǔ)，如：pedal, pedestrian等。②.minority government 少數(shù)派政府或少數(shù)內(nèi)閣，是執(zhí)政黨或聯(lián)盟的各方在議會(huì)沒有過(guò)半數(shù)議席時(shí)形成的內(nèi)閣。

.Westminster 威斯敏斯特宮，位于倫敦市內(nèi)，為英國(guó)議會(huì)所在地，此處代指英國(guó)議會(huì)。

②Good Friday Agreement 貝爾法斯特協(xié)議，又稱耶穌受難日協(xié)議，由英國(guó)和愛爾蘭政府于1998年4月10日（耶穌受難日）在北愛首府貝爾法斯特簽訂，是北愛和平進(jìn)程一個(gè)主要的里程碑。

To get Stormont back up and running, Ireland has called for a meeting of the agreement’s British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference—which could be chaired either by Ireland’s foreign minister and Britain’s Northern Ireland secretary, or by Mrs May and Leo Varadkar, the Irish taoiseach. Britain has not taken up the offer (an official says Ireland has not issued a formal request). The DUP is opposed to it. “The British government needs to remove the blocks. But it’s tied to the DUP,” says Gerry Kelly, a Sinn Fein assemblyman.

為了讓斯托蒙特恢復(fù)運(yùn)作，愛爾蘭呼吁召開英國(guó)-愛爾蘭政府間會(huì)議，主持人員或?yàn)閻蹱柼m外長(zhǎng)及北愛爾蘭國(guó)務(wù)卿，或?yàn)槊泛蛺蹱柼m總理利奧·瓦拉德卡（Leo Varadkar）。英國(guó)尚未接受該提議（一官員稱愛爾蘭尚未發(fā)出正式聲明）。民主統(tǒng)一黨對(duì)此持反對(duì)態(tài)度。新芬黨議員格里·凱利（Gerry Kelly）說(shuō)，“英國(guó)政府需要掃除這些障礙，但這與民主統(tǒng)一黨息息相關(guān)?！?/p>

What is more, Mrs May and Mr Varadkar have another matter on their minds: Brexit. In 1998 Britain and Ireland were, in the words of the Good Friday Agreement, “partners in the European Union”. On March 29th 2019 that will cease to be the case. In 2016 the High Court in Belfast ruled that Brexit would not formally invalidate the agreement, as some had argued. But it will complicate the relationship hugely.

此外，梅和瓦拉德卡（Varadkar）還在思索另一件大事：英國(guó)脫歐。用《貝爾法斯特協(xié)議》中的話來(lái)說(shuō)，1998年的英愛關(guān)系是“歐盟中的伙伴國(guó)家”。2019年3月29日，這種狀態(tài)將被打破。正如一些人士所言，在2016年貝爾法斯特高級(jí)法院便裁定，英國(guó)脫歐不影響協(xié)議生效。但是英愛關(guān)系會(huì)變得更加復(fù)雜。

Britain and Ireland have identified 142 areas of cross-border co-operation. Combined cancer services, a single wholesale power market and police intelligence-sharing give an idea of the range. Officials reckon most of this can more or less continue, though it will involve mountains of work—but regret that future initiatives will be harder to get started. Northern Ireland has received a lot of EU money, via initiatives such as Peace IV, worth €270m ($335m) in 2014-20. Unlike funding from Britain (tainted in the eyes of some Catholics) or America (long involved in the peace process, but seen as leaning towards the nationalists by some Protestants), EU grants are viewed as neutral. The EU has indicated that some funding can continue after Brexit.

英愛兩國(guó)已經(jīng)確定在142個(gè)跨境領(lǐng)域進(jìn)行合作，涵蓋癌癥服務(wù)、單一電力市場(chǎng)和警察情報(bào)共享。官員們認(rèn)為，盡管工作量龐大，但在大部分領(lǐng)域都可以保持合作關(guān)系。遺憾的是，未來(lái)發(fā)起合作倡議將會(huì)更難。2014到2020年間，北愛爾蘭通過(guò)和平四號(hào)等倡議獲得歐盟大量資金援助，價(jià)值2.7億歐元（約3.35億美元）。不同于英國(guó)撥款（一些天主教徒視其為污穢）與美國(guó)投資（長(zhǎng)期參與和平進(jìn)程，但被一些新教徒視為偏向民族主義者），歐盟的資金援助是中立的，英國(guó)脫歐后，仍能繼續(xù)撥款。

The biggest problem concerns the border, around which Mrs May has drawn three negotiating “red lines” that seem to run into each other. She insists that Britain will leave the EU’s customs union and single market. Yet she also promises there will be no new customs checks or physical infrastructure at the Irish border, or any between Northern Ireland and Britain.

最大的問(wèn)題出在邊境，梅就此劃定了三條似乎相悖的協(xié)商“紅線”。她堅(jiān)稱英國(guó)會(huì)擺脫歐盟的關(guān)稅同盟和單一市場(chǎng)。然而，她也承諾在愛爾蘭邊境和北愛與英國(guó)交界處不會(huì)新增海關(guān)檢查及相關(guān)基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施建設(shè)。

The government argues that trusted-trader schemes, waivers for small firms and unspecified technology could let customs checks be carried out invisibly. So far the EU is not convinced. Some member states are unwilling to turn a blind eye even to trade by small businesses. And no one, including the Northern Ireland committee of Britain’s Parliament, has yet identified technology that could enforce customs controls without any infrastructure.

政府稱，可信賴貿(mào)易商計(jì)劃、小企業(yè)豁免權(quán)或未具體說(shuō)明的某種技術(shù)都能在無(wú)形中進(jìn)行海關(guān)檢查。到目前為止，歐盟還不認(rèn)可這一說(shuō)法。一些歐盟成員國(guó)也不愿對(duì)小企業(yè)間的貿(mào)易睜一只眼閉一只眼。而且，包括英國(guó)議會(huì)北愛委員會(huì)在內(nèi)的所有組織都無(wú)法證明，沒有基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施的支持下，只憑技術(shù)就可以實(shí)施海關(guān)管制。

Borderline disorder

過(guò)境亂序

The opposition Labour Party backs membership of a customs union, as do a handful of Tory rebels. Mrs May said in February that she was open to a customs “arrangement”, which could amount to something very similar. Yet Jacob Rees-Mogg, who speaks for an influential caucus of Eurosceptic Tories, has said that the right to set tariffs, possible only outside a customs union, is “non-negotiable”. And it is not clear that membership of a customs union alone would be enough to maintain the invisible border, anyway. If Britain leaves the single market and diverges from EU regulatory standards, goods crossing the border would need to be checked.

反對(duì)黨工黨及少數(shù)保守黨倒戈者都支持關(guān)稅同盟。今年二月，梅表示，她對(duì)關(guān)稅同盟的“安排”持近乎開放態(tài)度。然而，具有一定影響力的持疑歐論的保守黨核心組織代表雅各布·里斯·莫格（Jacob Rees-Mogg）表示他堅(jiān)決捍衛(wèi)在關(guān)稅同盟外設(shè)定關(guān)稅的權(quán)利。而且，關(guān)稅同盟國(guó)能否憑一己之力維持無(wú)形邊界尚不明確。如果英國(guó)退出歐盟市場(chǎng)并脫離歐盟監(jiān)管標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，貨物過(guò)境則需要安檢。

The idea of such inspections is neuralgic for those who live near the frontier. Conor Patterson, head of the Newry and Mourne Enterprise Agency in South Armagh, remembers when Newry last had a customs post. It was blown up in 1972, killing nine people. His father required a triangular badge from the police to cross the border, something which could take an hour at busy times. British soldiers would sprint through the streets of Newry, for fear of snipers. Nearby Bessbrook was home to the busiest heliport in Europe, operated by the British army. The local roads were so dangerous that it had to fly men and supplies around the 18 nearby watchtowers.

對(duì)于那些生活在邊境的人來(lái)說(shuō)，出行檢查著實(shí)讓人頭疼。南阿馬郡紐瑞-莫恩企業(yè)（Newry and Mourne Enterprise Agency）負(fù)責(zé)人康納·帕特森（Conor Patterson）仍記得在紐瑞海關(guān)發(fā)生的事件。該事件發(fā)生于1972年，造成了9人死亡。他的父親須從警方獲取一枚三角徽章才能過(guò)境，而該徽章在繁忙時(shí)間需要一個(gè)小時(shí)才能到手。為防止狙擊暴亂，英國(guó)士兵很可能會(huì)沖進(jìn)紐瑞街道。而附近的貝斯布魯克（Bessbrook）是在歐洲最繁忙的直升機(jī)場(chǎng)的所在地，由英國(guó)軍隊(duì)管理。由于當(dāng)?shù)氐穆范味紭O其危險(xiǎn)，因此英國(guó)軍隊(duì)只能將人員和物資運(yùn)送到附近的18座瞭望塔。

No one foresees a return to those conditions. But David Davis, Britain’s Brexit secretary, betrays a deep and complacent misunderstanding of the problem when he breezily suggests that the frontier could resemble that between America and Canada. “It’s not a question of the speed of the lorries crossing the border. It’s the question of identity,” says Mr Powell. To win support for the 1998 agreement, nationalist leaders in both north and south needed to show tangible benefits. None was clearer than dismantling the border. A Canada-style crossing, one with “people in uniforms with arms and dogs”, is “not a solution [Ireland] can possibly entertain”, Mr Varadkar said on March 5th.

沒人預(yù)料到又回到了那些情況。但英國(guó)脫歐部長(zhǎng)大衛(wèi)·戴維斯（David Davis）輕率地認(rèn)為，英國(guó)邊境問(wèn)題與美加面臨的問(wèn)題相似，這簡(jiǎn)直是對(duì)這一問(wèn)題深刻而自滿的誤解。鮑威爾說(shuō)，“這不是貨車穿越邊境的速度問(wèn)題，而是身份問(wèn)題”。為了贏得對(duì)《1998年協(xié)議》的支持，南北雙方的民族主義領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人需要展現(xiàn)其切實(shí)的利益。沒有比拆掉邊界更明了的了。瓦拉德卡爾在3月5日表示，用加拿大式“警察攜武器牽警犬陪同過(guò)境”解決“愛爾蘭”邊境問(wèn)題是不能接受的”。

The security services are aware of the risks. “We would have a responsibility to have a presence there,” says Mr Hamilton. In policing terms, “any physical infrastructure or control measures that required people to be physically at the border would be a very bad thing…It would be perceived as being a symbol of the British state.” Dissident republican paramilitaries, who have almost no public support for their cold-blooded attacks on police, might win wider backing for strikes on border installations. Resentment at a return to a hard border could provide the “sea” of public sympathy that Mao Zedong said terrorists need to swim in, fears Brian Feeney, a former SDLP councillor.

安全部門意識(shí)到了這些風(fēng)險(xiǎn)。漢密爾頓表示:“我們有責(zé)任在那里開展業(yè)務(wù)?！睆闹伟卜矫鎭?lái)說(shuō)，“任何需要人在邊境上參與安檢的基礎(chǔ)設(shè)施或控制措施都是非常糟糕的……這將被視為英國(guó)國(guó)家的象征。” 幾乎沒有公眾支持持不同政見的共和黨準(zhǔn)軍事部隊(duì)冷血襲警，但他們可能會(huì)在打擊邊境設(shè)施上贏得廣泛的支持。前社會(huì)民主黨議員布萊恩·菲尼（Brian Feeney）擔(dān)心，在邊界重新實(shí)行強(qiáng)硬手段引發(fā)的怨恨會(huì)大面積激起公眾的同情心，Mao Zedong said terrorists need to swim in.

Nor would the EU’s suggested “backstop” of a customs border between Northern Ireland and Britain be easy to swallow. “People would absolutely resist any attempt to cordon off” the province from the mainland, says Winston Irvine, a Shankill community leader who is familiar with the thinking of west Belfast’s paramilitaries. Unionist protests have flared over far smaller affronts to British identity. A decision in 2012 to reduce the days on which the union flag would fly at Belfast City Hall triggered a year of protests in which 150 police officers were injured and a political party’s office firebombed. “People are getting a bit twitchy about where all this is going to land,” says Mr Irvine.

歐盟提出的建議，即在北愛爾蘭和英國(guó)之間建立海關(guān)邊界的“后盾”也不容易讓人接受。熟悉西貝爾法斯特準(zhǔn)軍事部隊(duì)思想的尚基爾社區(qū)領(lǐng)袖溫斯頓·歐文(Winston Irvine)表示:“人們絕對(duì)會(huì)抵制任何封鎖該省的手段”。聯(lián)合主義者因?qū)τ?guó)身份的小小冒犯而爆發(fā)抗議。2012年，貝爾法斯特市政廳減少懸掛英國(guó)國(guó)旗天數(shù)的決定引發(fā)了為期一年的抗議活動(dòng)，造成150名警察受傷，一個(gè)政黨的辦公室遭到燃燒彈襲擊。歐文表示:“人們對(duì)這一切將在哪里結(jié)束感到有點(diǎn)不安?！?/p>

The mood of reanimated Irish nationalism and unionist mistrust of the British government is “all rather redolent of 1920”, notes Diarmaid Ferriter, a historian at University College Dublin. Then, Northern Ireland was separated from the south, ahead of the creation of the Irish Free State. Now, he says, “Brexit has thrown the issue of the unity of Ireland back into the frame.”

都柏林大學(xué)的歷史學(xué)家迪爾梅德.費(fèi)里特爾（Diarmaid Ferriter）指出，愛爾蘭民族主義的復(fù)蘇和工會(huì)主義者對(duì)英國(guó)政府的不信任情緒“讓人想起1920年”。在愛爾蘭自由國(guó)建立之前，北愛爾蘭從南方分離出來(lái)?，F(xiàn)在，他表示，“英國(guó)脫歐將愛爾蘭統(tǒng)一的問(wèn)題重新提上日程?！?/p>

注解：

reanimate：re-=back, anim=life（含有spirit, soul,life等概念含義）, 來(lái)自拉丁語(yǔ)，-ate為名詞后綴。如：animal, unanimous. 

Taking back control

奪回控制權(quán)

注：《脫歐》—take back control

https://www.baidu.com/sf_baijiahao/s?id=1622602696799441291&wfr=spider&for=pc

No one was surprised when Sinn Fein demanded a unification referendum a few days after the Brexit vote. Less expected have been the shifts in thinking among moderate nationalists. “If we’re at constitutional ground zero then absolutely, we’re going to start looking at the north-south question,” says Claire Hanna, an SDLP member of the assembly. In December Simon Coveney, Ireland’s foreign minister, said he hoped to see a united Ireland “within my political lifetime”. He is 45.

果不其然，英國(guó)退歐公投結(jié)束幾天之后，新芬黨要求舉行全民公投。他們不期待溫和派的態(tài)度能發(fā)生轉(zhuǎn)變?？巳R爾漢娜（Claire Hanna）是北愛爾蘭社會(huì)民主工黨眾議院一員，他說(shuō)“如果我們站在憲法的核心點(diǎn)，那么，毫無(wú)疑問(wèn)，我們需要開始關(guān)注南北問(wèn)題了。”愛爾蘭外交部長(zhǎng)西蒙·考文尼(Simon Coveney)說(shuō)，在退休之前，他希望看到一個(gè)完整的愛爾蘭。而他現(xiàn)在才45歲。

注解：

ground zero: the central point in an area of fast change or intense activity（某區(qū)域發(fā)生快速變化或劇烈活動(dòng)的）中心點(diǎn)

Could it happen? Northern Ireland’s Catholics will soon outnumber its Protestants. In March 2017 Sinn Fein came within 2,000 votes of outpolling the DUP in elections to the assembly. Not all the party’s supporters, let alone all Catholics, would vote for unification. A poll in 2015 found that 30% of Northern Irish would be in favour—and when respondents were told that it would mean higher taxes (a near certainty, as Ireland could not afford the ￡10bn of subsidies that Britain shovels to Northern Ireland each year), the figure dropped to 11%. Support in Ireland dropped from 66% to 31% when the financial implications were pointed out.

這事可能嗎？北愛爾蘭天主教徒的數(shù)量很快將超過(guò)新教徒。在2017年三月份的選舉中，新芬黨以接近2000票險(xiǎn)勝北愛爾蘭民主統(tǒng)一黨，成功進(jìn)入眾議會(huì)。并不是所有的民主統(tǒng)一黨支持者都支持統(tǒng)一，更不用說(shuō)數(shù)量龐大的天主教徒了。2015年的一項(xiàng)民意調(diào)查顯示，30%的北愛爾蘭人表示支持統(tǒng)一，而當(dāng)他們被告知這意味著更高的稅收時(shí)（幾乎可以肯定，因?yàn)閻蹱柼m無(wú)力償還英國(guó)每年向北愛爾蘭提供的100億英鎊補(bǔ)貼），這個(gè)數(shù)字降到11%。指明帶來(lái)的經(jīng)濟(jì)后果后，對(duì)愛爾蘭的支持率從66%降至31%。

It remains to be seen how much Brexit will move those figures. But at a time when populist nationalism is on the rise around the world, matters of culture and identity can sometimes count for more than economic self-interest. Whatever else they misjudge about Ireland, Brexiteers, of all people, should understand that.

隨著脫歐的進(jìn)行，這些數(shù)據(jù)會(huì)如何變動(dòng)還不好說(shuō)。但是，在全球民粹主義崛起的今天，文化和身份往往高于經(jīng)濟(jì)上的一己之私。無(wú)論脫歐派有無(wú)作出對(duì)愛爾蘭的其他誤判，人們都應(yīng)該明白這一點(diǎn)。

翻譯組：

Sigrid 英語(yǔ)愛好者 大四狗

Bella，大四老臘肉，熱愛英語(yǔ)

Peter，外貿(mào)老狗，國(guó)際貿(mào)易專業(yè)

Zeppelin 背包客 英專 口語(yǔ)愛好者

Yang，愛好英語(yǔ)，經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)人愛好者

Terri.Tan 一個(gè)喜歡張杰的英語(yǔ)死忠粉

Thomas  醫(yī)學(xué)民工  宇宙中的火龍果

Rachel，女，處女座翻譯生，經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)人粉

Evelyn，女，英專本科生，經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)人粉絲

Emily 非英語(yǔ)專業(yè)，不久前完成托福GRE備考，英語(yǔ)愛好者

校對(duì)組:

Carol，愛好英語(yǔ)，備考二筆中~

Sofia 翻譯碩士，專八，備考二筆中

Kemay 決心練好筆譯的未來(lái)口譯員

Anna 英專宅女一枚，愛運(yùn)動(dòng)，愛讀書

Sindy 英語(yǔ)專業(yè)，CATTI備考，工作黨

Bruce, 精力充沛，想要上山打老虎的一枚小白

標(biāo)注組:

Sofia 翻譯碩士，專八，備考二筆中

Victoria,剛完成考研黨，經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)人愛好者

Bruce, 精力充沛，想要上山打老虎的一枚小白

3

4