| 內(nèi)容摘要 | 本文著重闡述了在世界全球化的背景下，作為一種有效理解和快速接收的方式，信息的圖形化視覺表現(xiàn)成為一種基本的必要手段。從人類交流歷史上的初級形式到現(xiàn)在的世界性的視覺語言，信息圖形將從早期的發(fā)展階段發(fā)展成為具有現(xiàn)代敘事方式的交互信息圖形。
　　|Abstract | The article places great importance on pictural visualisation of information for a better understanding and a faster reception as a basic necessity in our globalized world. Incipient from the history of human comunication to our today''s international visual language it will chart the early development stage till the modern way of storytelling in interactive infographics.
　　[關(guān)鍵詞]? 信息圖形/視覺語言/標(biāo)志圖形
　　[keywords]? information graphics, visual language, signage graphics
　　
　　信息圖形是一種集合信息、數(shù)據(jù)和知識的視覺表現(xiàn)手段，討論它的發(fā)展過程就像討論人類的發(fā)展過程。在史前文化階段，原始人創(chuàng)造了最初的信息圖形：洞穴壁畫（圖1）。人們會(huì)在任何一種文化中發(fā)現(xiàn)，在語句式的表達(dá)還沒有出現(xiàn)的時(shí)期，這些人造圖形是在表達(dá)人類的思想和情感。接著，圖標(biāo)（象形文字，圖2）被用來記錄牛和其他家禽、家畜，后來發(fā)展成我們的字母形式?，F(xiàn)在，看圖仍然比識讀語句更容易獲得信息。圖形常常應(yīng)用在信息需要被快速、簡單解釋的情況下，例如在標(biāo)志、地圖、報(bào)紙雜志、技術(shù)論文和教育活動(dòng)中。為了使概念性的信息交流和擴(kuò)展的過程更容易，圖形作為一種工具被計(jì)算機(jī)學(xué)家、數(shù)學(xué)家和統(tǒng)計(jì)學(xué)家廣泛地應(yīng)用在所有科學(xué)表現(xiàn)的領(lǐng)域。
　　
　　一、20世紀(jì)視覺語言的發(fā)展|||
　　
　　1936年，奧地利哲學(xué)家、社會(huì)學(xué)家和政治經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家奧圖>紐拉特（1882-1945）引入一個(gè)圖形系統(tǒng)作為一種國際性的視覺或圖形語言，這成為視覺語言發(fā)展的一個(gè)里程碑。在平面設(shè)計(jì)和社會(huì)學(xué)領(lǐng)域，ISOTYPE(可能代表國際印刷圖形教育系統(tǒng)的縮寫)是用一種以簡單的、非語言的方式傳達(dá)信息的圖形系統(tǒng)，由奧圖>紐拉特和插圖畫家歌德>安納斯共同設(shè)計(jì)（圖3）。ISOTYPE原本是為兒童教育者所設(shè)計(jì)的，結(jié)果卻大大地影響了現(xiàn)代公共標(biāo)志和信息圖形的發(fā)展。所以我們可以說，紐拉特是世界道路標(biāo)志系統(tǒng)之父?！耙粓D抵千言”，ISOTYPE正是這樣一種傳達(dá)數(shù)量信息及其社會(huì)影響的方式，如不同的國家所擁有的面包和糖的儲(chǔ)量，汽車工業(yè)中的人力資源情況等。
　　
　　在國際性的活動(dòng)中，在那些不同國家的人們聚集的場所里（機(jī)場，車站等），人們需要一個(gè)通用的導(dǎo)航系統(tǒng)。圖形消除了語言的界限和障礙，使交流成為可能。因此不難理解，在1964年的東京奧運(yùn)會(huì)上圖形被首次應(yīng)用。Masaru kaatzumie和Yoshiro Yamashita設(shè)計(jì)了這些圖形。但是，8年以后，在1972年的慕尼黑奧運(yùn)會(huì)中（圖4），德國設(shè)計(jì)師奧托>艾舍引用了一套新的圖形并總結(jié)了制作這些圖形的方法：
　　1.圖形不應(yīng)該有暗示或者是比喻的特征
　　2.應(yīng)該具有中立的文化立場，應(yīng)該被不同國家和文化的人理解
　　3.不要違反宗教禁忌，不要表現(xiàn)宗教和種族歧視
　　4.在認(rèn)識上應(yīng)當(dāng)是中性的，比如人人都能迅速理解其含義
　　5.應(yīng)當(dāng)易于識別，易于理解
　　6.應(yīng)當(dāng)用統(tǒng)一的規(guī)則或網(wǎng)格來制作圖形系統(tǒng)
　　這些規(guī)則現(xiàn)在仍然是有效的，我們可以通過檢視我們周圍的媒體、印刷品、道路標(biāo)志和手冊中的信息圖形來了解這些規(guī)則。報(bào)紙盡力改用信息圖形中的圖像化信息來表現(xiàn)天氣（圖5），改用地圖和位置圖來表現(xiàn)新聞事件，改用圖形表現(xiàn)原本難于理解的文字形式的統(tǒng)計(jì)數(shù)據(jù)。
　　
　　二、信息構(gòu)成|||
　　
　　有人說一圖抵千言。如果真是這樣，僅用一臺觀測相機(jī)來看世界，就能擁有所需要的所有信息。但是，這是不可能的，這也只是第一步。這種監(jiān)視的方法通常指的是觀察并記錄隨時(shí)發(fā)生變化的情況，那些收集到的數(shù)據(jù)還需要分析、解釋并表達(dá)。這種被稱為統(tǒng)計(jì)學(xué)的數(shù)學(xué)科學(xué)被應(yīng)用在從自然科學(xué)、社會(huì)科學(xué)到人文科學(xué)的多種學(xué)科中。（圖6）一個(gè)信息圖形相當(dāng)于用千余數(shù)據(jù)的輸入來換取如柱狀圖、趨勢圖、散點(diǎn)圖、餅狀圖和分布圖氖涑黿峁?。信息蛫A慰梢勻夢頤鞘侗鵡切┒云脹ㄈ死此滴薹ǔ械：捅娑戀氖蕁６遠(yuǎn)琳呃此擔(dān)蛭允率島屯臣莆?，信息蛫A尉哂邢嗟庇謖嫦嗪徒崧鄣娜ㄍ?。遗擙因为如此，各种行业、政府、报纸、捅P搴涂蒲Ъ乙蛭髯圓煌腦蠆捎瞇畔⑼夾衛(wèi)幢澩鎘辛Φ暮退坪跏怯籃愕穆鄣?。遗憾的薁楷信息蛫A蔚目剎倏匭允且話閹薪?。毕竟，謸]性詮鉤尚畔⑼夾蔚男畔⑹欽媸檔暮陀杏玫氖焙潁畔⑼夾尾嘔崾欽媸檔暮陀杏玫摹Ｕ庖彩嗆芏嘈畔⑼夾蔚鈉纜奐乙恢幣岳垂刈⒌奈侍狻?
　 
　　1983年，耶魯大學(xué)統(tǒng)計(jì)學(xué)、計(jì)算機(jī)學(xué)和政治學(xué)教授愛德華>塔夫特所著的具有創(chuàng)造性的《數(shù)量信息的視覺表達(dá)》改變了這一切。塔夫特認(rèn)為，信息圖形與其說被錯(cuò)誤的信息所危害還不如說是被拙劣的和漫不經(jīng)心的錯(cuò)誤表達(dá)所危害?！稊?shù)量信息的視覺表達(dá)》和塔夫特后來的一些書以及他個(gè)人在圖形糾錯(cuò)方面的熱心參與引發(fā)了關(guān)于觀察和創(chuàng)造信息圖形的方式改革。盡管這本書寫在20多年前，早于因特網(wǎng)和現(xiàn)代平面設(shè)計(jì)軟件出現(xiàn)，塔夫特智慧的評論在今天仍然是字字珠璣。
　　
　　三、創(chuàng)新|||
　　
　　塔夫特在《數(shù)量信息的視覺表達(dá)》一書中主要討論兩個(gè)內(nèi)容。一是關(guān)于識別信息圖形在使用中存在的普遍錯(cuò)誤和濫用的情況并指出主要錯(cuò)誤所在。二是關(guān)于戰(zhàn)勝這些錯(cuò)誤并發(fā)展一個(gè)可用于探索提高數(shù)據(jù)圖形的效率和效果的新方法的基本理論。
　　塔夫特不無憤怒地批評了很多信息圖形設(shè)計(jì)和發(fā)布的方式。他尤其痛斥一種普遍存在的認(rèn)為信息圖形僅僅是“枯燥”的統(tǒng)計(jì)表的簡單替代的觀點(diǎn)?！昂芏嗳苏J(rèn)為”，塔夫特觀察說，“圖形表達(dá)應(yīng)當(dāng)使那些發(fā)現(xiàn)文字難于理解的觀眾感受到愉悅和樂趣”。這種對信息和觀眾的輕視就像是受“歸咎于受害人而非罪犯”的做法的影響，并且導(dǎo)致了他稱為“圖形的平庸”的結(jié)果。
　
　　圖形的平庸是怎樣表現(xiàn)的呢？塔夫特指出了一個(gè)事實(shí)，就是很多設(shè)計(jì)圖形的人有純藝術(shù)的教育背景，而并不熟悉數(shù)據(jù)分析的知識。這就產(chǎn)生了一些往往是嚴(yán)重曲解或者是掩蓋了重要信息的圖形創(chuàng)意。在一個(gè)眾所周知的反面例子中，他展示了紐約時(shí)代周刊中的一個(gè)表現(xiàn)一桶油從1973年到1979年的價(jià)格增長的圖形。（圖7）
　　數(shù)據(jù)表明，油的價(jià)格從每桶2.41美元漲到每桶13.34美元，增長率為454%。這個(gè)圖形采用按比例的、三維的桶的形式替代了柱狀圖或趨勢線的形式。雖然1979年桶的高度比1973年的桶高了454%，但是它的直徑也在等量增長。人們在觀察圖形時(shí)會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)1979年的桶幾乎可以容納270多個(gè)1973年的桶！
　　塔夫特在抨擊了圖形的平庸現(xiàn)象后，接著指出了一系列怎樣制作有效圖形的原則，他稱之為數(shù)據(jù)圖形理論。這個(gè)理論主要包括四個(gè)方面的內(nèi)容： 
        1.消除“圖表垃圾”
　　2.“數(shù)據(jù)筆墨”最大化
　　3.多功能圖形元素
　　4.高數(shù)據(jù)密度
　　這些原則表達(dá)了一種在信息圖形中成功表現(xiàn)數(shù)據(jù)的新的思考方式。
　　塔夫特?fù)?dān)心圖形的創(chuàng)造者們對展示他們的圖形技巧的關(guān)注勝過對表現(xiàn)有用數(shù)據(jù)的關(guān)注。這些不必要的花哨的設(shè)計(jì)內(nèi)容被定義為“圖表垃圾”，它包括很多已經(jīng)被認(rèn)為是數(shù)據(jù)圖形普遍特征的一些內(nèi)容。例如，使用令人迷惑的不同紋理來區(qū)分一個(gè)圖形中的系列數(shù)據(jù)，結(jié)果導(dǎo)致了視覺的“搖晃”，分散了讀者的注意力。塔夫特還暗示一直受重用的網(wǎng)格除了分散讀者的注意力，對數(shù)據(jù)幾乎沒有價(jià)值，在一些糟糕的情境中，反而使數(shù)據(jù)更加難于理解。最壞的使用形式還不僅僅是圖表垃圾。塔夫特嘲諷它們是“鴨子”，即指一種以視覺雙關(guān)特征來抓眼球的建筑風(fēng)潮，比如漢堡形狀的漢堡房和鴨子形狀的建筑。鴨子形象地反映了那些用鮮艷的顏色和三維形式打扮得漂漂亮亮的趨勢線，使數(shù)據(jù)看起來更像個(gè)過山車而不是嚴(yán)肅地試圖傳達(dá)信息。
　　圖表垃圾的泛濫容易使被塔夫特幽默地定義為“數(shù)據(jù)筆墨”的內(nèi)容顯得失色，塔夫特用筆墨這個(gè)詞來形容那些直接傳遞數(shù)據(jù)的圖表元素，例如區(qū)域圖中的關(guān)鍵點(diǎn)或者趨勢線。圖形中圖表垃圾的比例越多，數(shù)據(jù)筆墨的比例就越少（塔夫特稱之為數(shù)據(jù)筆墨率）。為了使圖形有效，數(shù)據(jù)筆墨率應(yīng)當(dāng)在合理的范圍內(nèi)盡可能增加。
　　一個(gè)好的圖形不僅應(yīng)當(dāng)清楚且有條理地表現(xiàn)信息，還應(yīng)當(dāng)“調(diào)動(dòng)每一個(gè)圖形元素，有可能是多次地調(diào)用每一個(gè)圖形元素來表現(xiàn)數(shù)據(jù)”。人們認(rèn)為在塔夫特的心目中，1861年法國工程師查爾斯>約瑟夫>米納德繪制的關(guān)于拿破侖在俄國的戰(zhàn)役地圖“可能是目前為止最好的統(tǒng)計(jì)圖形”。米納德為了表現(xiàn)拿破侖軍隊(duì)逐漸瓦解的過程，在一個(gè)圖形中壓縮入了大量的信息，如記錄位置、方向、時(shí)間、數(shù)量，甚至溫度的信息。（圖8）
　　最后，塔夫特是高數(shù)據(jù)密度的支持者。他將之定義為在數(shù)據(jù)矩陣中的輸入量與數(shù)據(jù)圖形面積的比率。當(dāng)然，這樣的比率很難量化，然而，他的觀點(diǎn)是清晰的：不要在少量的信息上浪費(fèi)大量的圖形。如果只有少量的數(shù)據(jù)輸入，一個(gè)帶有文字的表格比創(chuàng)建一個(gè)只有幾個(gè)條狀圖形的柱狀圖更合理。
　　《數(shù)量信息的視覺表達(dá)》一書改變了人們對信息圖形表達(dá)的思考方式。今天，網(wǎng)絡(luò)設(shè)計(jì)師和印刷設(shè)計(jì)師熟知塔夫特的理論以調(diào)整他們的作品。然而塔夫特的工作還遠(yuǎn)沒有結(jié)束。圖像設(shè)計(jì)軟件的數(shù)據(jù)包中仍然包含了過度的添加顏色、網(wǎng)格線以及給二維數(shù)據(jù)添加額外的視覺維度的選項(xiàng)。最糟糕的是，他們?nèi)匀皇褂盟蛱刈顓拹旱男问剑猴灎顖D。
　　
　　四、符號學(xué)——能指/所指|||
　　
　　索緒爾認(rèn)為，將符號劃分在語音式圖像和概念中的分類是不明確的。為了使之更明晰，他重新提煉了這個(gè)觀點(diǎn)，將符號的概念定義為“所指”，而語音式圖像定義為“能指”——在信息圖形中，這種觀點(diǎn)體現(xiàn)為一種將能指與所指結(jié)合在一起使之成為我們所謂的標(biāo)志的努力。
　　如果一個(gè)符號看起來像被其表現(xiàn)的物體，且與物體類似，那么它就是圖標(biāo)化的符號。這種符號產(chǎn)生的相似性或類似性會(huì)被它的接受者所承認(rèn)。這是一種最顯而易見的視覺符號。例如表現(xiàn)男、女衛(wèi)生間的符號就是圖標(biāo)化的符號。
　　引申化的符號引起人們對它所指向的事物的注意。兩者之間是具體的、真實(shí)的且通常是連續(xù)的、具有因果關(guān)系的。換句話說，它表現(xiàn)了它所描述的現(xiàn)象之間存在著的關(guān)系，例如煙霧是火的引申。
　　象征化的符號與它所表現(xiàn)的內(nèi)容沒有明顯的關(guān)系，只有在我們文化中約定俗成的慣例、協(xié)議或者規(guī)則中才具有聯(lián)系。這種所指與能指的關(guān)系是動(dòng)機(jī)不明的或者是武斷的，且需要有一種翻譯來建立兩者之間的聯(lián)系。文字、顏色和數(shù)字都是象征化的符號。象征化符號的使用是一種文化闡釋的形式，認(rèn)識到這一點(diǎn)是很重要的。
　　無論是圖標(biāo)化的還是引申化的，慣例對理解任何符號都是必需的。我們需要學(xué)會(huì)理解圖形。慣例是符號的社會(huì)維度：它是使用者之間關(guān)于符號的恰當(dāng)使用和反應(yīng)的共識。
　　一個(gè)道路標(biāo)志的組成：（圖9）
　　一個(gè)象征化的符號（三角形）意味著“注意”，因?yàn)檫@是我們所公認(rèn)的含義——這是一種武斷的認(rèn)識，它應(yīng)該也可以是方形、圓形、八角形，或者是像李子一樣的有機(jī)形。
　　一個(gè)圖標(biāo)化的符號——看起來像一個(gè)正在工作的男人。想一想這在多大程度上是由我們的文化決定的。這也包含一些對工作表現(xiàn)的慣例。
　　首先，男人工作時(shí)使用的是開鑿機(jī)或手提鉆而不是手工來挖掘。
　　在農(nóng)村文化中，它可能被認(rèn)為是一個(gè)男人在施肥而不是在進(jìn)行道路修復(fù)。而在女性承擔(dān)這種辛苦工作的文化中，它可能被認(rèn)為是一個(gè)女人在施肥。
　　圖標(biāo)是一種能指而且與它們所指向的對象之間有極大的相似性的符號。因此我的照片可以說是高度圖標(biāo)化的符號，因?yàn)樗雌饋硐裎?。一個(gè)帶有汽車或者摩托車的側(cè)面輪廓的道路標(biāo)志是高度圖標(biāo)化的符號，因?yàn)閭?cè)面輪廓看起來像汽車或摩托車。
　　這里再將元素分類（圖10）
　　能指 所指
　　象征性化的白色背景中的 禁止
　　紅色圓圈
　　圖標(biāo)化的香煙 香煙
　　但是這里還有一個(gè)附加的元素──引申化的條狀圖形。
　　引申化的條狀圖形 不能做這件事
　　我們把條狀圖形和反對某事聯(lián)系在一起。有趣的是，這個(gè)看起來是從道路標(biāo)志中借用過來的符號卻和道路標(biāo)志的用法不同。比如，道路標(biāo)志表示“禁非機(jī)動(dòng)車”只用一個(gè)中間有自行車的紅色圓圈來表示；道路標(biāo)志表示“禁機(jī)動(dòng)車”僅僅用一個(gè)紅色圓圈來表示。在有些國家也有條狀的圖形。
　　
　　五、怎樣在平面中表現(xiàn)三維物體或什么是地圖？|||
　　
　　地圖是空間概念的圖形化表達(dá)或比例模型。它是一種傳遞地理信息的方法。地圖不受語言或文化的影響，它是世界范圍內(nèi)通用的交流媒介，很容易為大多數(shù)人理解。將信息融入一張地圖的想法，來自于對“快照”概念的理解，即用一張圖片表現(xiàn)從常變的地理信息數(shù)據(jù)庫中所選擇的某些概念（《麥林詞典》， 1996）。
　　老地圖提供了很多關(guān)于過去所了解的內(nèi)容的信息以及地圖本身所采用的哲學(xué)和文化原則，這些原則通常與現(xiàn)代制圖學(xué)的原則有很大不同。地圖是一種科學(xué)家用來發(fā)表他們的觀點(diǎn)并使之傳播后世的方法。（《麥林詞典》， 1996）
　　中世紀(jì)，歐洲地圖為宗教觀念所控制。“T-O”地圖處處可見。在這種地圖形式中，耶路撒冷被描繪為地圖的中心，東方是源方向，并指向地圖的上方。北歐海盜在北大西洋的探險(xiǎn)發(fā)現(xiàn)漸漸被融入12世紀(jì)初人們對世界的認(rèn)識中。同時(shí)，制圖學(xué)的發(fā)展使那些用來描繪阿拉伯地區(qū)包括地中海區(qū)域的線條更加可行，更加真實(shí)。（圖11）
　 
　　地圖是現(xiàn)實(shí)世界的真實(shí)表達(dá)么？不──永遠(yuǎn)都不是！測量領(lǐng)域受制于準(zhǔn)確度和精確度的誤差。由于大氣層和觀測儀器的過濾，航空攝影和衛(wèi)星圖像只能描繪具有特定光譜的內(nèi)容。即使是很小的一塊地方，也沒有地圖能描繪其所有物理的、生物的和文化的特征。一個(gè)地圖只能表現(xiàn)少量的被選擇的特征，并且也常常是根據(jù)某種分類用高度符號化的方法來繪制的。通過這些方法，所有的地圖都是近似的、概括的，是真實(shí)地理?xiàng)l件的一種譯釋。
　　每種地圖投影都有優(yōu)缺點(diǎn)；適當(dāng)?shù)耐队胺绞饺Q于地圖應(yīng)用的比例和目的。比如，一種投影方式在描繪整個(gè)國家時(shí)可能是帶有讓人無法接受的變形，但是在大比例地（詳細(xì)地）描繪一個(gè)國家時(shí)可能就是一個(gè)很好的選擇。地圖投影的性質(zhì)也會(huì)影響地圖的設(shè)計(jì)特點(diǎn)。有些投影方法對描繪小面積區(qū)域而言是好的，有些投影方法對描繪大面積的、東西向的區(qū)域而言是好的，有些投影方法對描繪大面積的、南北向的區(qū)域而言則更為妥當(dāng)。
　 
　　基于變形特征的分類：
　　1.具有相對準(zhǔn)確尺寸的投影叫等積投影或全等投影。在地圖中，這種投影方法被用于描述區(qū)域分布或者那些看重面積準(zhǔn)確的內(nèi)容。在在線地圖制作網(wǎng)站中，美國國家地圖集使用蘭伯特方位角等積投影方法來表現(xiàn)信息。除了等面積的特征之外，這種投影方法也表現(xiàn)了以地圖中心點(diǎn)為基準(zhǔn)的真實(shí)方向。這也意味著用這種投影方法來描繪從中心點(diǎn)等積延伸的區(qū)域時(shí)是相當(dāng)不錯(cuò)的（例如北美）。（圖12） 
        2.墨卡托投影是具有角度關(guān)系和小面積準(zhǔn)確形狀的投影，也叫等角投影。這種投影方法在看重角度關(guān)系的情況下使用，比如導(dǎo)航或者氣象圖表中。應(yīng)用實(shí)例如墨卡托投影和蘭伯特圓錐正形投影。美國地理研究的很多地形學(xué)地圖都采用了等角投影的方法。（圖13）
　　以投影中心為基點(diǎn)沿指定線具有準(zhǔn)確距離的投影方法叫等距投影。這些投影方法用于無線電和地震測繪以及導(dǎo)航。應(yīng)用實(shí)例如等距圓錐投影和等量投影。方位角等距投影方法被用于聯(lián)合國的象征圖形中。（圖14）
　　3.以給定中心點(diǎn)為基準(zhǔn)具有準(zhǔn)確方向（角度關(guān)系）的投影叫方位角投影或等距天頂投影。這些投影應(yīng)用在航空圖表和那些看重方向關(guān)系的情況中。應(yīng)用實(shí)例如日晷投影和蘭伯特方位角等積投影。
　　4.一個(gè)投影地圖可能混合了上述多個(gè)特征，或者是在可接受的限度內(nèi)對所有的形狀、面積、距離和方向?qū)傩宰冃蔚囊环N折中。折中應(yīng)用的實(shí)例如溫克爾投影和羅賓遜投影，常用于世界地圖。
　　對比我們簡化和提煉信息的需要，我們會(huì)發(fā)現(xiàn)這與我們對地圖中具體信息的需要之間的矛盾。但問題是我們是否需要所有的具體信息呢？這也是亨利>貝克在20世紀(jì)30年代作為倫敦地鐵地圖設(shè)計(jì)師時(shí)所面臨的問題。倫敦地鐵系統(tǒng)十分復(fù)雜，幾乎不可能把所有的車站適配入標(biāo)準(zhǔn)的卡片牌中。未受制圖慣例的影響，亨利>貝克將地鐵地圖設(shè)計(jì)得像一個(gè)電路板，在地圖中只使用彩色的垂直線、水平線或者45度線，并且根據(jù)應(yīng)用位置來定位車站，同時(shí)保證車站之間的相對距離不變。這種地理上并不準(zhǔn)確的地圖立刻取得了成功，直到今天它仍然提供了一個(gè)有條理地觀察復(fù)雜系統(tǒng)的方法。對于倫敦人來說，它成為他們城市系統(tǒng)化的圖像，并且也成為后來全世界城市地圖的一個(gè)樣本。（圖15）
　　
　　六、制作信息圖形的程序|||
　　
　　在日常工作的壓力和有限時(shí)間的情況下，當(dāng)我們開始制作信息圖形時(shí)，我們會(huì)采用速戰(zhàn)速?zèng)Q的策略。我們打開一個(gè)應(yīng)用程序如Microsoft Office Excel，置入一些數(shù)據(jù)，選擇一個(gè)圖表類型并接受軟件提供的默認(rèn)設(shè)置的一些令人恐怖的顏色。
　　為了使創(chuàng)建圖表的過程容易，這個(gè)過程被分為3個(gè)部分：
　　1. 用來做什么？||
　　我們制作圖形表達(dá)的原因。這決定了要收集的數(shù)據(jù)類型，即我們應(yīng)當(dāng)問這些數(shù)據(jù)是什么類型（數(shù)量的、序列的、范圍的，等等），而且最重要的是：這些數(shù)據(jù)和我們想要的內(nèi)容有關(guān)么？
　　2. 怎樣做？||
　　我們表現(xiàn)數(shù)據(jù)的方式。這部分的要點(diǎn)是信息圖形應(yīng)該有趣，因?yàn)樗鼈兘沂静顒e。因此，從統(tǒng)計(jì)對象中提煉和表現(xiàn)數(shù)據(jù)常常能夠使那些會(huì)導(dǎo)致混亂的內(nèi)容變得更清晰。數(shù)據(jù)一經(jīng)提煉，我們就應(yīng)選擇最有效的視覺隱喻。有時(shí)，一個(gè)表格甚至是一個(gè)語句比圖表更能清晰地表現(xiàn)一個(gè)小數(shù)據(jù)。在一些特定的情況下，改變圖表的顏色就能大大地使情況變得明晰。
　　3. 它起作用么？||
　　我們可能會(huì)得到一個(gè)漂亮、雅致的圖表，但是如果它和我們最初定義的目標(biāo)不一致，我們就會(huì)失敗。關(guān)鍵在于修改、測試已經(jīng)完成的內(nèi)容，直到找到改進(jìn)的方法。在不丟失相關(guān)信息的情況下，變換顏色，降低次要內(nèi)容的飽和度，提高最有關(guān)聯(lián)的數(shù)據(jù)的飽和度，調(diào)整版式和字體的大小，刪除對表現(xiàn)和明晰數(shù)據(jù)沒有用處的內(nèi)容等，有時(shí)會(huì)顯著地改善效果。
　 
　　最后，制作一個(gè)好的信息圖形在于使對復(fù)雜內(nèi)容的理解變得更容易，而不是使簡單的內(nèi)容復(fù)雜化。如果不能清楚地理解什么是我們追求的目標(biāo)，誰是我們的觀眾，如果沒有大量的工作和思考，我們就無法作出好的信息圖形。
　　正如文章開始所說，信息的視覺化是數(shù)據(jù)研究和表現(xiàn)假想結(jié)構(gòu)的傳統(tǒng)工具，它根植于科學(xué)的推理，而且傳統(tǒng)上被認(rèn)為是意義建構(gòu)的分析工具。但是對那些難以用一個(gè)圖表或者分解圖去表現(xiàn)的復(fù)雜的內(nèi)容，我們就應(yīng)當(dāng)改變記者式的敘事方式，從靜態(tài)的、單向的印刷媒體轉(zhuǎn)向電視或者因特網(wǎng)上的計(jì)算機(jī)圖形的主流（圖16）。這使交互式的圖形變得必要。信息圖形中的交互可能由一個(gè)簡單的動(dòng)畫開始，直至可以讓觀眾參與或讓他們來改變信息以適合他們的要求和愿望。用交互信息圖形的先驅(qū)阿爾伯特>凱洛(www.albertocairo.com)的話來說，多媒體“可能會(huì)成為未來信息圖形中最重要的因素，而在在線的信息圖形中好的多媒體實(shí)例并不多見”。1990年以來，信息圖形的迅速發(fā)展是和因特網(wǎng)的發(fā)展聯(lián)系在一起的，快速的圖形計(jì)算機(jī)和不斷發(fā)展的網(wǎng)絡(luò)新聞市場使動(dòng)畫的視覺表現(xiàn)形式成為可能。這也意味著在優(yōu)秀的新聞報(bào)道中，有廣闊的領(lǐng)域去探索使用（信息）設(shè)計(jì)工具插圖、制圖和加入了視頻、音頻、交互攝影的方法。報(bào)紙行業(yè)的競爭是在同一個(gè)城市，甚至是同一個(gè)國家范圍內(nèi)的競爭，在線的信息圖形和報(bào)紙不同，其競爭的范圍是歐洲其它（同種語言）國家或者是大洋彼岸的國家。因?yàn)樽x者可以自由地隨處選擇令他們感興趣的內(nèi)容，所以他們會(huì)選擇最好的信息圖形。如果設(shè)計(jì)師想抓住讀者，他們必須努力保持稍稍領(lǐng)先于他們的競爭對手的優(yōu)勢。再一次用阿爾伯特>凱洛的話來說，就是成為“未來因特網(wǎng)時(shí)代信息圖形領(lǐng)域”的“弄潮兒”。
　　
　　Talking about information graphics or infographics as visual representations of information, data or knowledge is also like talking about the development of mankind. In prehistory, early humans created the first information graphics: cave paintings (pict 1). In every cultural society you will find artefacts expressing thoughts or feelings, but no expression was invented at that time. Later, icons (hieroglyphs (pict 2)) were used to keep records of cattle and stock; our alphabets developed from these. And still it is easier to get the idea from a picture than from a written sentence. Graphics are used everywhere information needs to be explained quickly or simply, such as in signs, maps, journalism, technical writing, and education. They are extensively use as tools by computer scientists, mathematicians, and statisticians to ease the process of developing and for communicating conceptual information, so they are applied in all aspects of scientific visualization.
　　
　　The development of a visual language in the 20th century 
        A milestone was the introduction of a system of pictographs intended to function as an international visual or picture language in 1936 by Otto Neurath (1882-1945); an Austrian philosopher of science, sociologist and political economist). In graphic design and sociology, Isotype (possibly an acronym for International System Of TYpographic Picture Education) is a system of pictograms designed by Otto Neurath and the illustrator Gerd Arntz to communicate information in a simple, non-linguistic way. (pict 3) The original intention of the Isotype was to be used by educators of young children, but wound up having a strong influence on modern public signage and information graphics. So we can also say Neurath is the father of our road signage systems worldwide. In the same way that “a picture speaks a thousand words”, Isotypes are a way of conveying quantitative information with social consequences — the availability of bread and sugar, the manpower involved in constructing automobiles - in different countries.
　　
　　International large events and places where humans from many countries meet (airports, stations etc.), need a common and generally comprehensible navigation system. Pictograms make communication possible by crossing language borders and eliminating language barriers. So it is no wonder why the first pictograms ever, sketched by Masaru Kaatzumie and Yoshiro Yamashita, were used at the Olympic Games in Tokyo 1964. But eight years later at the 1972 Munich Olympics (pict 4) the German designer Otl Aicher introduced a new set of pictograms and summarized his approach to the production of pictograms in general:
　　 the pictogram shall not have the character of an indication nor an illustration.
　　 it must be cultural neutral, it must be understood also from humans of other countries or other cultures.
　　 it may not break taboos, nor represent religious or racist discrimination
　　 it must be neutral in knowledge , i.e. everybody should understand the meaning immediately
　　 it must be easy to read and the information easy to understand
　　 there must be a uniform rule or grid to get a pictogram system.
　　
　　These rules are still valid and you can realize them by examining the information graphics that surround us in the media, in published works, in road signs and manuals. Try to transform the illustrated information of infographics in newspapers showing the weather (pict 5), or maps and site plans for newsworthy events, as well as graphs for statistical data in text form - that would be unwieldy to comprehend the meaning of the topic.
　　
　　Structuring information
　　
　　It is said that a picture is worth a thousand words. If so, you would only have to watch an observation camera and you have all information you need. But that is not true; it is only the first step. This method of monitoring generally means to observe a situation for any changes which may occur over time, and record this. The collected data have to be analysed, interpreted or explained, and presented. This mathematical science called Statistics is applicable to a wide variety of academic disciplines, from the physical and social sciences to the humanities. (pict 6)An informational graphic is worth a thousand data entries if not more and with outputs like histograms, trend lines, scatter plots, pie charts, or choropleth maps. Informational graphics allow us to discern what would otherwise be unmanageable loads of data, indecipherable to an average person. Due to their being grounded in facts and statistics, informational graphics have a certain authority of truth and finality for the observer. For this reason, they are used by businesses, governments, newspapers, advocacy groups, and scientists as a way of presenting cogent and seemingly immutable arguments for their various causes.Unfortunately, another parallel aspect of their appeal is their ability to be manipulated. After all, a given graphic is only as truthful -- or useful -- as the information from which it is composed. It was this problem that had traditionally concerned most critics of informational graphics. 
        Edward Tufte''s groundbreaking 1983 book, The Visual Display of Quantitative Information, changed all of that. Tufte, Professor of Statistics, Computer Science, and Political Science from Yale University, argued that informational graphics were not so much compromised by faulty information as they were by poor and inadvertently misleading presentation. The Visual Display of Quantitative Information, along with Tufte''s subsequent books and his own passionate crusade for graphical correctness, brought about a revolution in the way that informational graphics were viewed and created. Although he wrote the book before the advent of the Internet or modern graphical software, Tufte''s words of wisdom are every bit as relevant today as they were nearly two decades ago.
　　
　　Innovation
　　
　　Tufte had two major agendas with The Visual Display of Quantitative Information. One was to identify many of the mistakes and abuses common to informational graphics and to finger the main culprits. The second was to go beyond common errors to develop a general theory of data graphics that could be used to explore new ways to increase their efficiency and effectiveness.
　　
　　Tufte spared little wrath in critiquing the way in which many informational graphics were conceived and published. First and foremost, he deplored the widespread notion that graphics were only an unsophisticated substitute for “boring” statistics. “Many believe,” Tufte observed, “that graphical displays should divert and entertain those in the audience who find the words in the text too difficult.” This contempt for both the information and the audience had the effect of “[blaming] the victims rather than the perpetrators,” and led to what he called “graphic mediocrity.”
　　
　　How did this graphic mediocrity manifest itself? Tufte pointed to the fact that many of those who designed graphics were trained in the fine arts and were not familiar with data analysis. This led to graphic innovations that tended to severely distort or conceal essential information within a graphic. In one notorious example, he showed a graphic from The New York Times showing the increase in the price of a barrel of oil from 1973 to 1979. (pict 7)
　　
　　The data showed the price rising from $2.41 per barrel to $13.34, or an increase of 454%. The graphic used proportional, three-dimensional representations of barrels instead of a histogram or trendline. Although the 1979 barrel was indeed 454% taller than the original 1973 barrel, its diameter had increased by the same amount. When looking at the graphic, one sees that the 1979 barrel could contain over 270 barrels from 1973! Other instances included trendlines that lacked contextual information and spending charts that failed to take into account inflationary and population changes.
　　
　　Tufte''s all-out assault on graphic mediocrity segued into a series of principles on how make effective graphics, which he called the Theory of Data Graphics. This theory had four main aspects to it: 
        1) Elimination of “chartjunk”,
　　2) Maximization of “data-ink”,
　　3) Multifunctioning graphical elements, and
　　4) High data density.
　　
　　Taken together, they represented a new way of thinking about how to more successfully represent data in informational graphics.
　　
　　Tufte was concerned that creators of graphics were more concerned with advertising their own graphical cleverness than presenting useful data. These artefacts of unnecessary design flourish were termed “chartjunk”, and included many items that had been accepted as common features of data graphics. For example, often multiple data series on a given graphic were differentiated by a bewildering array of crosshatching variations, causing visual ?vibrations? that distracted the reader. Tufte also implicated the venerable grid, which added little to the data but caused distraction, and in worst-case scenarios even obscured much of the data altogether. The worst offenders went beyond mere chartjunk. Tufte derided them as ?ducks?, a reference to the fad of building eye-catching structures that served as visual puns, such as hamburger-shaped burger joints and duck-shaped buildings. Ducks often featured trendlines that were spruced up with flashy colours and three-dimensions, making the data look more like roller-coasters than a serious attempt to convey information.
　　
　　The overuse of chartjunk tended to unnecessarily obscure the use of what Tufte dubbed “data-ink”, namely the ink used in creating the elements of the chart that directly conveyed data, such as plot points or trendlines. The more chartjunk in a graphic, the smaller the proportion devoted to data-ink (what Tufte termed the “data-ink ratio”). To make a graphic effective, the data-ink ratio needed to be increased as much as was reasonable.
　　
　　A good graphic should not only clearly and neatly present information; it should also “mobilize every graphical element, perhaps several times over, to show the data.”
　　
　　It is this belief that is at the heart of Tufte''s assertion that the 1861 map of Napoleon''s Russian campaign, drawn by the French engineer Charles Joseph Minard, “may well be the best statistical graphic ever drawn.” Minard''s depiction of space, direction, time, quantity -- even temperature -- in showing the gradual disintegration of Napoleon''s army packed an enormous amount of information into a single graphic. (pict 8)
　　
　　Finally, Tufte was a proponent of high data density. He defined it as the ratio of the number of entries in a data matrix to the area of the data graphic. Of course, such a ratio is often hard to quantify, but his point was clear: don''t waste a large graphic on a small amount of information. If there are only a couple data entries, a table within the text makes more sense than creating a histogram with only a handful of bars.
　　
　　The Visual Display of Quantitative Information changed the way that people thought about the presentation of informational graphics.To this day, web designers and publishers familiarize themselves with Tufte''s work in order to fine-tune their works. Yet Edward Tufte''s work is far from finished. Graphical software packages still include heavily used features that add colour, gridlines, and extra visual dimensions to two-dimensional data. Worst of all, they still incorporate Tufte''s greatest pet peeve of all: the pie chart. 
        Thinking about signs
　　
　　Traffic signs and other public signs rely heavily on information graphics, such as stylized human figures (the ubiquitous stick figure), icons and emblems to represent concepts such as yield, caution, and the direction of traffic. Public places such as transit terminals usually have some sort of integrated “signage system” with standardized icons and stylized maps. If we think about visualization information in an infographic we also have to think about to whom it is addressed and is the addressee able to understand the signs we try to use.
　　
　　Remember the Lasswell''s* maxim, “who says what to whom in what channel with what effect,” as a means of circumscribing the field of communication theory.
　　
　　*Harold Dwight Lasswell(Feb. 13, 1902 — Dec. 18, 1978) was a leading American political scientist and communications theorist.
　　
　　Semiotics - Signifier\signified
　　
　　Saussure** actually saw the division of the sign into sound image and concept as a bit ambiguous. So he refined the idea by saying it might make things clearer if we referred to the concept as the signified (signifié) and the sound image as the signifier (signifiant) - this idea is shown in the graphic, which attempts to show how the signifier and signified coalesce into what we call a sign.
　　**Ferdinand de Saussure (Nov. 26, 1857 – Feb. 22, 1913) was a Geneva-born Swiss; the ''father'' of 20th-century linguistics.
　　
　　A sign is considered to be iconic if it looks like the object signified, bearing a resemblance to its object. The similarity or resemblance proposed by the sign is to be acknowledged by its receiver. This is most apparent in visual signs. For example signs denoting ladies and gentlemen''s lavatories are icons.
　　
　　An indexical sign draws attention to the thing to which it refers. The relationship is concrete, actual and usually of a sequential, causal kind. In other words it signifies the existential relationship to the phenomena it depicts such as smoke which is an index of fire.
　　
　　A symbolic sign has no obvious connection to the idea it represents except through convention, agreement or rule in our culture that it does. The relationship between signified and signifier is unmotivated or arbitrary and requires the presence of an interpreter to make the signifying connection. Words, colours and numbers are symbols. It is important to note that the use of symbols is a form of cultural interpretation.
　　
　　Convention is necessary to the understanding of any sign, however iconic or indexical it is. We need to learn how to understand a photograph. Convention is the social dimension of signs: it is the agreement amongst the users about the appropriate uses of and responses to a sign.
　　
　　 A road sign consists of: （pict 9）
　　
　　One symbolic sign (the triangle) which means: “Watch out” because we agree that is what it means – it is arbitrary; it could just as well be a square, circle, octagon, or a plastic model of a prune etc.
　　
　　One iconic sign – it looks like a man at work. 
        Think, though, of the extent to which that is determined by our culture. There are certain conventions at work here too.
　　First of all, the men at work mostly do not dig by hand, they use an excavator or a jackhammer.
　　
　　 In a more rural culture, it could be read as a man shovelling manure, rather than road repair materials. In cultures where woman do such menial work, it could pass for a woman shovelling manure.
　　
　　Icons are signs whose signifier bears a close resemblance to the thing they refer to. Thus a photograph of me can be said to be highly iconic because it looks like me. A road sign showing the silhouette of a car and a motorbike is highly iconic because the silhouettes look like a motorbike and a car.(pict 10)
　　
　　Here again, the same sort of elements:
　　signifier Signified
　　The symbolic red circle on a
　　white background Something is forbidden
　　The iconic cigarette Cigarette
　　But here there is an additional element, the bar, which is indexial:
　　The indexial bar You can not do this
　　We associate with a barrier or with crossing something out. Interestingly, this seems to be quite common on signs which are derived from road signs, though not on road signs themselves. For example, the road sign which means ‘no bicycles> simply has a bike in a red circle; the road sign which means ‘no vehicles> simply has a red circle. In some countries has also a bar cross.
　　
　　How to get 3-dimensions on a flat plane or > What is a Map?
　　
　　A map is a graphic representation or scale model of spatial concepts. It is a means for conveying geographic information. Maps are a universal medium for communication, easily understood and appreciated by most people, regardless of language or culture. Incorporated in a map is the understanding that it is a "snapshot" of an idea, a single picture, a selection of concepts from a constantly changing database of geographic information (Merriam 1996).
　　Old maps provide much information about what was known in times past, as well as the philosophy and cultural basis of the map, which were often much different from modern cartography. Maps are one means by which scientists distribute their ideas and pass them on to future generations (Merriam 1996).
　　During the Medieval period, European maps were dominated by religious views. The T-O map was common. In this map format, Jerusalem was depicted at the centre and east was oriented toward the map top. Viking explorations in the North Atlantic gradually were incorporated into the world view beginning in the 12th century. Meanwhile, cartography developed along more practical and realistic lines in Arabic lands, including the Mediterranean region.(pict 11)
　　
　　Are maps realistic representations of the actual world? No--never! Field measurements are subject to errors of accuracy and precision. Aerial photographs and satellite images portray only certain portions of the light spectrum, as filtered through the atmosphere and detection instruments. No map can depict all physical, biological, and cultural features for even the smallest area. A map can display only a few selected features, which are portrayed usually in highly symbolic styles according to some kind of classification scheme. In these ways, all maps are estimations, generalizations, and interpretations of true geographic conditions. 
        Each map projection has advantages and disadvantages; the appropriate projection for a map depends on the scale of the map, and on the purposes for which it will be used. For example, a projection may have unacceptable distortions if used to map the entire country, but may be an excellent choice for a large-scale (detailed) map of a county. The properties of a map projection may also influence some of the design features of the map. Some projections are good for small areas, some are good for mapping areas with a large east-west extent, and some are better for mapping areas with a large north-south extent.
　　
　　Some projections have special properties. For example, a Mercator projection has straight rhumb lines and is therefore excellent for navigation, because compass courses are easy to determine.
　　
　　Classification based on distortion characteristics
　　
　　A projection that maintains accurate relative sizes is called an equal area, or equivalent projection. These projections are used for maps that show distributions or other phenomena where showing area accurately is important.
　　
　　The National Atlas of the United States uses a Lambert Azimuthal Equal-Area projection to display information in the online Map Maker. In addition to its equal-area properties, this projection also shows true directions from the center point of the map. This means that the projection works well for mapping areas that extend equally from the center point, such as North America. (pict 12)
　　
　　Mercator projection is a projection that maintains angular relationships and accurate shapes over small areas is called a conformal projection. These projections are used where angular relationships are important, such as for navigational or meteorological charts. Examples are the Mercator projection and the Lambert Conformal Conic projection. The U.S. Geological Survey uses a conformal projection for many of its topographic maps. (pict 13)
　　
　　A projection that maintains accurate distances from the center of the projection or along given lines is called an equidistant projection. These projections are used for radio and seismic mapping, and for navigation. Examples are the Equidistant Conic projection and the Equirectangular projection. The Azimuthal Equidistant projection is the projection used for the emblem of the United Nations. (pict 14)
　　
　　A projection that maintains accurate directions (and therefore angular relationships) from a given central point is called an azimuthal or zenithal projection. These projections are used for aeronautical charts and other maps where directional relationships are important. Examples are the Gnomonic projection and the Lambert Azimuthal Equal-Area projection.
　　
　　A map projection may combine several of these characteristics, or may be a compromise that distorts all the properties of shape, area, distance, and direction, within some acceptable limit. Examples of compromise projections are the Winkel Tripel projection and the Robinson projection, often used for world maps. 
        Comparing this with our need for simplification and reduction of information we will find an incompatibility with our need for details in maps. But the question is: Do we need all the details? This is the same question Henry Beck as the map designer of the Map of London Underground was faced with in the 1930s. The London underground rail system became too complex and it was nearly impossible to fit all the stations into the standard issue card folder. Unimpressed by cartographic conventions, Henry Beck plotted the underground like an electrical circuit board, using only vertical, horizontal, or 45 degrees angled colored lines and locating the stations according to available space, equalizing the distances between stations. This geographically inaccurate map, provides till today a coherent overview of a complex system and is an instant success. For the Londoners it became the organizing image of their city and a prototype for future generations of city maps all over the world. (pict 15)
　　
　　
　　“The process of making an information graphic”
　　
　　It appears that the pressure of everyday work and the little time that we have means that when we are about to perform an information graphic we adopt the tactics of immediacy. We start a spreadsheet application like Microsoft Office Excel, throw in some data and select a chart type, accepting the atrocious colours that the Software gives us by default.
　　
　　In order to facilitate the process of creating a chart:
　　
　　The process is divided into three parts:
　　
　　 1) What is it for?
　　The reason why we make the graphic representation. This determines the type of data to gather and about which we have to ask what type it has to be (quantitative, sequential, categorical, and so on) and more importantly: are they relevant for what we want?
　　
　　2) How?
　　In what way we will represent the data. A fundamental aspect of this section is that information graphics are interesting because they reveal differences. For this reason refining them and representing the data derived from their statistical treatment often reveals aspects that otherwise would result confusing. Once data is refined we have to choose the most effective visual metaphor. Sometimes, for a little data, a table or even a sentence can be clearer than a chart. In certain occasions changing the colour palette or the type of chart can clarify the situation enormously.
　　
　　3) Does it work?
　　We can obtain a nice and elegant chart but, if it does not fit the goal that we have defined in the first step, we will have failed.The key resides in revising and experimenting with what we have done until we find an improvement.
　　
　　Varying the colours, reducing the saturation of what is less important and increasing it for the most relevant data, modifying the typography, the size of fonts, eliminating everything that does not contribute to showing and clarifying the data (irrelevant grids, redundant data, unnecessary labels) without losing relevant information sometimes provides surprisingly improved results. 
        In the end, making a good information graphic consist of facilitating the understanding of complexity, instead of complicating what is simple. And this cannot be achieved without the clear understanding of what goal we pursue, who our audience is and a good deal of work and reflection.
　　
　　As we started, information visualization is traditionally a tool for data exploration and hypothesis formation, its roots are in scientific reasoning and traditionally it has been viewed as an analytical tool for sense-making. But what if the topic is too complex to be drawn in one chart or an exploded view. You have to change your way of storytelling as a journalist, from static, non interoperable printed media to the mainstreaming of computer graphics on the Internet or in TV. (pict 17) This necessitates interactive infographic. It could start as a simple animation as far as interactivity in the infographic that lets the readers play or lets them transform the information so it will fit their needs or desires. Multimedia “is probably the most important key for the future of infographics and there are not many examples of good multimedia in online infographics out there.” quoting Alberto Cairo (www.albertocairo.com), one of the pioneers of interactive infographics. The phenomenon of the rapid development of infographics since 1990 goes together with the growth of the Internet and the possibilities of animated visual explanations due to fast graphic-computers as well as the growing Internet news market. This also means there is a wide field to discover in excellent news reporting using the tools of (information) design, illustration, cartography and/or photography adding video, audio and interactivity. The competition in on-line infographics is not like the newspaper examples with the colleagues from the same city, or even from the same country – no, it is a competition between other (same-language-speaking) countries from Europe or the other side of the ocean. The readers will choose the best, because they are free to take from here and there what interests them. If designers want to hang on their readers, they must make every effort to stay a little bit ahead of their competitors. Quoting Alberto Cairo again: This is meant by sailing close to the wind to the future of infographics in the internet era.
　　
　　|參考文獻(xiàn)|
　　[1]CairoAlberto：“Sailing to the Future:Infographics in the Internet Era”， Multimedia Bootcamp 2005 in the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill.http://www./albertocairo/libro.zip|[2]HartmannFrank:“Speaking Signs”，English in:TELEPOLIS.http://www./tp/r4/artikel/2/2173/1.html|[3]Strand,Lennart: “Information Design Information Graphics”,Mlardalen University,Eskilstuna,Sweden http://www.idp./utbildningar/distanskurser/ki7010/db/users/default.asp|[4]Saussure Ferdinand de:(tablie par Rudolf Engler)d‘a(chǎn)prs le manuscrit dpos la Bibliothque de Genve,1996.http://www./Saussure/De_Saussure/Essence/
　　
　　（德）馬庫斯·斯洛普 芬蘭拉普蘭大學(xué)藝術(shù)和設(shè)計(jì)學(xué)院
　　紐約字體設(shè)計(jì)協(xié)會(huì)會(huì)員，德國Munchen印刷協(xié)會(huì)會(huì)員
　　
　　Markus Schrppel:University of Lapland,Faculty of Art and Design,member of Type Directors Club, NewYork and Typografische Gesellschaft Mxnchen, Germany.